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rties cases, heard the “I have a dream” speech of Martin Luther King, was close to the Cuban Missile Crisis, and
uld be able to use the First Amendment as an excuse for maliciously and dishonestly attacking public figures, as he has so often done.” In the famous Skokie case, in which I supported the right of neo-Nazis to march through a heavily Jewish Chicago suburb, one of the judges argued that allowing Nazis to m
justify the censorship of a march by the likes of Martin Luther King through a segregated community in the south;
legal rubric of “clear and present danger.” Early in my career I was involved in both of those types of cases. In the famous neo-Nazi march through Skokie, Illinois, the Nazi thugs deliberately decided to march—with anti-Semitic chants, signs and uniforms—through a Jewish community with a large number o
he line from anti-Zionism to anti-Semitism—a line Martin Luther King warned about in a speech at Harvard shortly
itler and Goebbels deserved. To be sure, these protestors’ verbal attack on me was constitutionally protected speech, just as the Nazi march through Skokie was constitutionally protected speech. But the shouting was plainly calculated to intimidate. An aura of violence was in the air, and had the police
Entities connected to both Martin Luther and Skokie

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Julie K. Brown
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