Epstein Secrets

tion of JFK, to the forced resignation of Richard Nixon, to the Chappaquiddick investigation of Ted Kenne

uld be able to use the First Amendment as an excuse for maliciously and dishonestly attacking public figures, as he has so often done.” In the famous Skokie case, in which I supported the right of neo-Nazis to march through a heavily Jewish Chicago suburb, one of the judges argued that allowing Nazis to m

ve to confront the ultimate issue. But it was not the same Court that had been sitting when the strategy was originally devised; there were four new Nixon appointees, and it was clear that at least some of them believed the death penalty to be constitutional. The umpires — if not the rules — had been ch

legal rubric of “clear and present danger.” Early in my career I was involved in both of those types of cases. In the famous neo-Nazi march through Skokie, Illinois, the Nazi thugs deliberately decided to march—with anti-Semitic chants, signs and uniforms—through a Jewish community with a large number o

418 4.2.12 WC: 191694 as “so proud” and so “endowed with intelligence,” but who “have in the main given their acquiescence or their support to the Nixon ethos” which has led to the death, maiming, and displacement of “some six million Southeast Asians.” Berrigan referred to the ironic figure of 6 mill

itler and Goebbels deserved. To be sure, these protestors’ verbal attack on me was constitutionally protected speech, just as the Nazi march through Skokie was constitutionally protected speech. But the shouting was plainly calculated to intimidate. An aura of violence was in the air, and had the police