Epstein Secrets

e long term? It's not unprecedented. Political historians and scholars widely agree, for example, that the pervasive dishonesty of the Johnson and Nixon administrations during the Vietnam War and the Watergate scandal damaged faith in the government in the long term. "If you have an administration wh

hat's consistent with White House chief of staff Reince Priebus's statement last week that the sit-down was a "no

onsistent with White House chief of staff Reince Priebus's statement last week that the sit-down was a "no

irt on Hillary Clinton. He said the meeting was one that "everybody" in politics would have held. That's consistent with White House chief of staff Reince Priebus's statement last week that the sit-down was a "nothing burger." If that's true, why didn't the White House reveal the meeting months ago? Why did Don

ement in 1989 pursuant to reform legislation. The Ethics in Government Act of 1978 is a United States federal law that was passed in the wake of the Nixon Watergate scandal and the Saturday Night Massacre. It created mandatory, public disclosure of financial and employment history of public officials

ial ties to Russia or other foreign governments. Then, just when we thought it couldn't get worse, it did. The incoming White House chief of staff, Reince Priebus, went on national television to threaten Shaub. In a scene like something out of a gangster B-movie, Priebus warned the director that "he ought to b

ing White House chief of staff, Reince Priebus, went on national television to threaten Shaub. In a scene like something out of a gangster B-movie, Priebus warned the director that "he ought to be careful " and gave his blessing to Chaffetz's interrogation. Priebus's glare of menace was unmistakable. Th

rouble at least as great as that faced by Richard Nixon and E Clinton, and doing so with what seemed lik

favor. Give me your a card. Don't ask me why, just give it to me. You'll be thanking me for rest of your life:" Bannon opened his wallet and gave Priebus his American ExI card. Priebus shortly returned, handed the card back, and said, "You have legal insurance Over the next year, Bannon—a witness of

Chief of Staff John Kelly, fed up with Trump—just as Trump was f up with him—seemed surely on the way out. Kelly had joined the Wh House, replacing Reince Priebus, Trump's first chief of staff, in Aug 2017, charged with bringing management discipline to a chaotic W Wing. But by mid-fall, Trump was circumventi

ny of the war on poverty's programs — like Me=icaid, Medicare, food stamps, Head Start, Job Corps, VISTA and Title I — are sti=I in place today. The Nixon administration largely dismantled the OEO, distribut=ng its functions to a variety of other federal agencies, and eventually the of=ice was renamed

=e are seeing this type of dysfunctional, dangerous and divisive behavior across the country. This week I saw a news piece on NBC where RNC Chairman Reince Priebus presented a list of fantasy scandals that include the Rose Law Firm, the attempt to reform healthcare in 1992, to Fast and Furious gun policy and Be

saw a news piece on NBC where RNC Chairman Reince Priebus presented a list of fantasy scandals that include

D: Nancy Pelosi's team compared Trump to Richard Nixon: Trump went after Pelosi after she made her impe

ers for an in-depth exploration of his rising influence: "Mulvaney spends considerably less time with Trump than his two previous chiefs of staff, Reince Priebus and John F. Kelly. And the president has sometimes kept him out of the loop when making contentious foreign policy decisions, advisers say. At a r

, Mulvaney Page 17954 EFTA00047465 told attendees that he does not seek to control the president's tweeting, time or family, one attendee said. Priebus and Kelly had clashed with the president over his Twitter statements and the influence of his eldest daughter and her husband. "Instead, Mulvaney

and cultural gulf virtually guarantees that this impeachment cannot end with any consensus like the one that emerged after the proceedings against Nixon and Clinton — that the system had worked. ... "Americans have become so jaded that misdeeds that once had the power to shock across ideological lin

fers for an in-depth exploration of his rising influence: "Mulvaney spends considerably less time with Trump than his two previous chiefs of staff, Reince Priebus and John F. Kelly. And the president has sometimes kept him out of the loop when making contentious foreign policy decisions, advisers say. At a r

ent donor retreat in Chicago, Mulvaney told attendees that he does not seek to control the president's tweeting, time or family, one attendee said. Priebus and Kelly had clashed with the president over his Twitter statements and the influence of his eldest daughter and her husband. "Instead, Mulvaney h

the leading political operatives in the Republican Party. As surprised as he was by this election, he could yet make a case for a straight line from Nixon to Trump. He just wasn’t sure, he said, that Trump himself, at various times a Republican, Independent, and Democrat, could make the case. Still, he

it off: it was Reince Priebus’s fault, not hers. She had spent a good part of the day calling friends and allies in the political world and blaming Priebus. Now she briefed some of the television producers and anchors with whom she’d built strong relationships—and with whom, actively interviewing in the

ce director and then finance director of the Republican National Committee, and finally, pre-White House, chief of staff of the RNC and its chairman, Reince Priebus. In retrospect, the key moment in saving the Trump campaign might be less the Mercer- led takeover and imposition of Bannon and Conway in mid-August

ned down by court earlier. ANEW LOW! (4:49 a.m.) How low has President Obama gone to tap my phones during the very sacred election process. This is Nixon/Watergate. Bad (or sick) guy! (5:02 a.m.) At 6:40 he called Priebus, waking him up. “Did you see my tweet?” he asked. “We’ve caught them red-handed!”

ive. As well, he could turn him off, and Bannon would be tactically quiet until turned on again. Kushner had neither Bannon’s policy imagination nor Priebus’s institutional ties. But, of course, he had family status, carrying its own high authority. In addition, he had billionaire status. He had cultivate

e president left the West Wing for Marine One, which was soon en route to Andrews Air Force Base. Accompanying him were Steve Bannon, Stephen Miller, Reince Priebus, Hope Hicks, and Kellyanne Conway. Vice President Pence and his wife joined the group at Andrews for the brief flight on Air Force One to Harrisburg,

er, 72-76, 141 New York Post, 15, 74, 113, 207 New York Times, 37, 51, 90-92, 96, 151-53, 196, 205, 207, 211, 236, 237, 257, 259-60, 266, 271, 277 Nixon, Richard M., 2, 8, 26-27, 41, 54, 90, 93, 212-13, 222 Nooyi, Indra, 88-89 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 77 North Atlantic Treaty Or

egic approach on the part of the president—quite an unlikely development. Meanwhile, the couple blamed everyone else in the White House. They blamed Priebus for the disarray that had produced a warlike atmosphere that propelled constant and damaging leaks, they blamed Bannon for leaking, and they blamed S

in his unquestioned certitudes. There was now a fair amount of back-of-the-classroom giggling about who had called Trump what. For Steve Mnuchin and Reince Priebus, he was an “idiot.” For Gary Cohn, he was “dumb as shit.” For H. R. McMaster he was a “dope.” The list went on. Tillerson would merely become yet an

rmer presidential candidates — Goldwater, Richard Nixon, Alfred Landon and Thomas Dewey —~ as well as gov

ily News. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021726 --- PAGE BREAK --- OPINIONS. Monday, July 29, 2013 Luring elephants into big tent Republican national chairman Reince C. Priebus could take a lesson from history in his efforts to herd his fellow elephants into a big tent. Nobody did a better job of coaxing feuding Republicans