Epstein Secrets

er, 72-76, 141 New York Post, 15, 74, 113, 207 New York Times, 37, 51, 90-92, 96, 151-53, 196, 205, 207, 211, 236, 237, 257, 259-60, 266, 271, 277 Nixon, Richard M., 2, 8, 26-27, 41, 54, 90, 93, 212-13, 222 Nooyi, Indra, 88-89 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), 77 North Atlantic Treaty Or

USE_OVERSIGHT_020114 president’s part. The daily discussion among senior staffers, those still there and those now gone—all of whom had written off Tillerson’s future in the Trump administration—was how long General Kelly would last as chief of staff. There was something of a virtual office pool, and the j

believed that the sole upside of being part of the Trump White House was to help prevent worse from happening. In early October, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s fate was sealed—if his obvious ambivalence toward the president had not already sealed it—by the revelation that he had called the president “a fucki

ge Bannon’s ouster by McMaster’s hand from the NSC. With the president promising that he would make up his mind by August, and McMaster, Mattis, and Tillerson pressing for a decision as soon as possible, Bannon- inspired media began a campaign to brand McMaster as a globalist, interventionist, and all aroun

ned down by court earlier. ANEW LOW! (4:49 a.m.) How low has President Obama gone to tap my phones during the very sacred election process. This is Nixon/Watergate. Bad (or sick) guy! (5:02 a.m.) At 6:40 he called Priebus, waking him up. “Did you see my tweet?” he asked. “We’ve caught them red-handed!”

ought up the possibility of firing everybody. Should I fire Bannon? Should I fire Reince? Should I fire McMaster? Should I fire Spicer? Should I fire Tillerson? This ritual was, everyone understood, more a pretext to a discussion of the power he held than it was, strictly, about personnel decisions. Still, i

dy with foreign policy stature and an international network had been put in HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020053 place—even the new secretary of state designate, Rex Tillerson, had no real experience in foreign policy. To bewildered foreign secretaries, it seemed logical to see the presidentelect’s son-in-law as a figure of

the leading political operatives in the Republican Party. As surprised as he was by this election, he could yet make a case for a straight line from Nixon to Trump. He just wasn’t sure, he said, that Trump himself, at various times a Republican, Independent, and Democrat, could make the case. Still, he

us impressions of the man, agreed to sign on. Jim Mattis, a retired four-star general, one of the most respected commanders in the U.S. armed forces; Rex Tillerson, CEO of ExxonMobil; Scott Pruitt and Betsy De Vos, Jeb Bush loyalists—all of them were now focused on the singular fact that while he might be a pecu

every cabinet member for the next seven days through their confirmation hearings,” he said of the business-and-military 1950s-type cabinet choices. “Tillerson is two days, Session is two days, Mattis is two days... .” Bannon veered from “Mad Dog” Mattis—the retired four-star general whom Trump had nominate

rouble at least as great as that faced by Richard Nixon and E Clinton, and doing so with what seemed lik

r had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing the president deep contempt— were pushed from the admini

D: Nancy Pelosi's team compared Trump to Richard Nixon: Trump went after Pelosi after she made her impe

will remain in place until Aug. 31, 2020, unless revoked by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. The ban was imposed in 2017 by then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson and renewed in 2018 (The Associated Press). EFTA00047371 > Venezuela: The United States, frustrated after unsuccessful international efforts to

D: Nancy Pelosi's team compared Trump to Richard Nixon: Trump went after Pelosi after she made her impe

sign the letters but wrote an op-ed in 2016 saying Trump should not be president and would lose the election. Trump foiled then- Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's attempt to name Abrams as his deputy in spring 2017. But Pompeo succeeded in January of this year in appointing Abrams as special envoy for Venezu

and cultural gulf virtually guarantees that this impeachment cannot end with any consensus like the one that emerged after the proceedings against Nixon and Clinton — that the system had worked. ... "Americans have become so jaded that misdeeds that once had the power to shock across ideological lin

sign the letters but wrote an op-ed in 2016 saying Trump should not be president and would lose the election. Trump foiled then-Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's attempt to name Abrams as his deputy in spring 2017. But Pompeo succeeded in January of this year in appointing Abrams as special envoy for Venezue

rouble at least as great as that faced by Richard Nixon and E Clinton, and doing so with what seemed like

hner had urged the ouster of many of them), any of whom might testify against him. In March alone, Gary Cohn, the president's chief economic adviser, Rex Tillerson, the secretary of state, and Andrew McCabe, the deputy director of the FBI—each man bearing the president deep contempt— were pushed from the adminis