ors to that point. But to the Saudis, not to mention Bahrain's ruling family, even the occasional appearance of posters of Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah amid crowds of Shiite protesters pumping their fists and chanting demands for regime change was too much. They saw how Iran's influence has grown in

nd then avoided defeat in a subsequent round of fighting in 2006. In a poll of Arab public opinion taken in 2008, the three most popular leaders were Hassan Nasrallah, Bashar al-Assad and Mahmoud Ahmedinejad, in that order. But this sense of inexorable ascendancy in which the Iran-led bloc liked to cloak itself has

leadership to immediately stop using force against its people or the G-8 countries would "consider taking further measures". At the same time, Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah—the leader of the Lebanese party Hizbullah-called on the Syrian people to give the government time to effectuate reforms, arguing that President Assa

Respond To a Western Strike on Syria? By: An Al-Monitor Correspondent in Beirut August 31. -- About three months ago, Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah decided to send his elite military units to Syria to support the military efforts of the regime of President Bashar al-Assad in facing opposition f

the self-proclaimed champion of Palestinian rights, is also taking notice of the camps' destabilization and division. Hezbollah's Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah recently gave a speech on current events in the region, a speech that, at first blush, curiously focused on the primacy of resistance against Israe

cooperation as further evidence of Shia dominance of the country's political system and its security institutions. Hezbollah's Secretary General, Hassan Nasrallah, recently boasted during a leadership meeting, "We are ready to sacrifice martyrs in Iraq five times more than what we sacrificed in Syria..." Give

e costing the party its main support base: the Lebanese Shia community. Let's take a closer look. In his many redundant speeches, Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah has been adamant about supporting the Assad regime of Syria. A few years ago, when Nasrallah made a speech, almost everyone in Lebanon would leave

n Egypt met with important political actors during a visit in Lebanon. For the first time, it did not ask for a meeting with Hizbullah leader Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah. The current relationship between the two factions is markedly different from the decades of alliance against western influence in the region. The

Fatah Central Committee member and Fatah Commissioner=of Arab Relations and Relations with China Abbas Zaki sent = letter of condolence to his honor Hassan Nasrallah (i.e., Secretary-Gener=l of Hezbollah)... The letter said: 'We received with pride a=d honor the news of the death as a Martyr of the national hero,

he Grand Inquisitor Tomas de Torquemada, Cossak Bohdan Khmelnytsky and Nazi leader Adolf Hitler, metamorphosed into the bodies of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, ISIS leader Abu Bakr al- Baghdadi or Palestinian leader Mahmoud Abbas. They get carried away into an ultra-national sentiment, identifying us, abo

s longstanding anti-western, anti-Israeli stand. Hi=bollah's support of the Assad regime has similarly dented its legitimacy= Gone are the days when Hassan Nasrallah, its secretary-general, was the h=ro of the Arab street — 3 EFTA_R1_01401467 EFTA02384040 Sunni and Shia — for his position at the forefront of

disarm, forge new strategic alliances or end its military struggle against Israel. In fact, in a rare public appearance this month, Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah declared that his party will remain defiant, side with Assad's Syria and never relinquish its arms. If Hamas, an ally of Hezbollah, Syria and Iran