Epstein Secrets

murderer. At the moment, there are no peace talks with Israel, the economy is in a slump and there continue to be deep divisions between Hamas and Fatah, the rival Palestinian groupings ruling the Gaza Strip and West Bank, respectively. Under these circumstances, it would be a perfect time to have n

or presiding over the annual Clinton Global Initiative meeting -- arguably a bi er draw for global leaders each September than the opening of the . General Assembly across town. Although there was some love lost between Clinton and Obama during the tense 2008 primary, Secretary Clinton's husband has been an act

response to Netanyahu's speech, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh said Wednesday that Hamas will continue to take steps to bolster the reconciliation with Fatah. "We will insist on reconciliation, bolster steadfastness, and face occupation with unity." (Maan News) Former Mossad director Meir Dagan has come

ab world will support it." Columnist Thomas Friedman writes in the New York Times: "I can tell [the Palestinians] that having the UN EFTA00629506 General Assembly pass a resolution recognizing an independent Palestinian state will only rally Israelis around Netanyahu, giving him another excuse not to talk. May

ement. At a time when Arab leaders everywhere are under attack for being remote, corrupt and elitist, it is simply too risky for the leadership of Fatah, the Palestinian faction in control of the West Bank, to enter into tortuous negotiations with the Israelis that will inevitably lead to accusation

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

ement. At a time when Arab leaders everywhere are under attack for being remote, corrupt and elitist, it is simply too risky for the leadership of Fatah, the Palestinian faction in control of the West Bank, to enter into tortuous negotiations with the Israelis that will inevitably lead to accusation

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

od. Sooner or later, the plan cou=d be revived, coupled with an Israeli military presence in the Jordan Vall=y to minimize risks of a Gazan repeat. Fatah and the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority have a long-term object=ve that differs markedly from Israel's: a state enjoying full sovereign =ights

its qualitative military edge, to fig=ting back against delegitimization of Israel, whether at the [UN] Human Rights Council, or in front of the UN=General Assembly, or during the Goldstone Report, or after the flare-up in=olving the flotilla -- the truth of the matter is that the relationship ha= functioned ver

to have a state but of the nature of a Palestinian state under current circumstances. The Palestinians are split into two major factions. The first, Fatah, dominates the West Bank. Fatah derives its ideology from the older, secular Pan-Arab movement. Historically, Fatah saw the Palestinians as a state w

uld undermine Fatah, possibly pushing Fatah to align with Hamas. Having the U.N. vote take place while Gaza is at war, a vote possibly accompanied by General Assembly condemnation of Israel, could redefine the region. Last week's attack on the Eilat road should be understood in this context. Some are hypothesizing