Epstein Secrets

hree days after the arrests, demonstrations broke out in Ramadi, Fallujah and Samarra. Three days after that, a large protest closed the highway from Baghdad to Syria and Jordan. The popular resistance spread to Mosul on Dec. 27. These protests erupted during a constitutional crisis and as an expanding Ar

following a 10-day standoff between Iraqi army units and Kurdish pesh merga troops in October, after Maliki sent the army toward the disputed city of Kirkuk. That move followed a series of skirmishes and mobilizations along the “Green Line” separating Kurdistan from Arab Iraq and a series of attacks in th

hree days after the arrests, demonstrations broke out in Ramadi, Fallujah and Samarra. Three days after that, a large protest closed the highway from Baghdad to Syria and Jordan. The popular resistance spread to Mosul on Dec. 27. These protests erupted during a constitutional crisis and as an expanding Ara

following a 10-day standoff between Iraqi army units and Kurdish pesh merga troops in October, after Maliki sent the army toward the disputed city of Kirkuk. That move followed a series of skirmishes and mobilizations along the "Green Line" separating Kurdistan from Arab Iraq and a series of attacks in th

n orderly handover of power. He also waged a war against Iraq after its invasion of Kuwait in which he made the wise decision not to continue on to Baghdad, avoiding a messy conflagration like that which would later consume his son's presidency. Both Eisenhower and Bush paid a price for their successes

coupled with threats about numerical and demographic shifts in favor of the Arab population. In a region that is unable to resolve the question of Kirkuk and whether it is Arab, Kurd or Turkish, the question of the return of Palestinians to the territories of 1948 is closer to being a matter of innoc

o two legislators who spoke on the condition of anonymity because of political sensitivities. And a move to annex Kirkuk could ignite fighting with Baghdad, which is intent on holding on to the territory — particularly Kirkuk's resources — and could alienate Western allies, who fear that Iraq's fracturin

r toward a breakup, one group is maneuvering the crisis with far more leverage than the others: Iraqi Kurds. And in the contested oil-rich region of Kirkuk, Iraq's Kurdish minority has been steadily consolidating control for weeks. On the southern edge of the province, in an area once secured by centra

. For example, the Kurdish region's illegal oil trade with Iran provides the regional government with an income that it does not need to share with Baghdad, thereby reducing Kurds' dependence on the central government. Finally and most importantly, years of excessive focus on internal defence at the e

EU imposed tougher sanctions on Iran's gasoline imports, hundreds of millions of dollars in crude oil and refined products from the Kurdish region, Kirkuk, and Baiji have been smuggled to Iran on a daily basis. As direct smuggling from Oman and the UAE becomes more and more difficult and sanctions bec

ing its allies in Iraq and promoting collaboration between Iraq's government and Syria. Washington, meanwhile, has dispatched military advisers to Baghdad. On their own, these efforts are valiant. But without coordination, they won't be fruitful. Iraq was until recently a battleground between Iran and

rs that using the current turmoil to gain concessions from Baghdad on issues such as independent oil exports and the future of the disputed city of Kirkuk will backfire. Washington is loath EFTA00669742 to take sides between Erbil and Baghdad. And if it does, it is unlikely to act to antagonize Mr.

tacks in Hezbollah-friendly neighborhoods and in support of Sunni militants closely followed IS(IL)'s take-over of Mosul in Iraq and its move toward Baghdad. Evidencing the deteriorating security situation in Lebanon, a Saudi delegation recently met with Lebanese authorities in Beirut to discuss shared s

nt comes at a time when Kurds have taken control of parts of the country that previously fell outside of their sphere of influence, notably oil-rich Kirkuk. Skepticism persists, however, regarding the Kurds' prospects for making this idea a reality. While the security and political dimensions of the Ir

ad both helps Hezbollah and hurt ISIS. By working hard to strengthen the Shia in Iraq, Iran ultimately extends its power and can crush ISIS between Baghdad and Damascus. Most importantly, the Journal piece points to clues that suggest despite the dangers, Iran's Supreme Leader is quietly moving to ens

northern Iraq, though the Kurdish peshmerga are professional fighters who ISIS would be wary of challenging now. But as the years go on, the oil in Kirkuk would be a tempting ISIS target. One question is whether ISIS has learned from its failed reign of terror in Anbar province in 2005 and 2006, when

he surge, before the spread of the Awakening movement that fostered reconciliation between disaffected Sunni Arabs and the Shiite-led government in Baghdad. The recent events come on top of increasing incidents of horrific attacks by al-Qaeda in Iraq, with last month seeing the largest losses in years —

i protesters were killed in Fallujah in January, both sides managed to de-escalate. That all changed last week. It began in the town of Hawija, near Kirkuk, where Iraqi Security Forces said Sunni protesters were harboring insurgents who had killed soldiers at a government checkpoint. The protesters den

ee days after the arrests, demonstrations broke out in Ramadi, Fallujah and Samarra. Three days after that, a large protest closed the highway from Baghdad to Syria and Jordan. The popular resistance spread to Mosul on Dec. 27. These protests erupted during a constitutional crisis and as an expanding

llowing a 10-day standoff between Iraqi army units and Kurdish pesh merga troops in October, after Maliki sent the army toward the disputed city of Kirkuk. That move followed a series of skirmishes and mobilizations along the "Green Line" separating Kurdistan from Arab Iraq and a series of attacks in