Epstein Secrets

n to grant us explicit recognition as a Jewish state when we made peace with them. Even when Bibi himself had briefly tried to open negotiations with Damascus in his first period as Prime Minister, we'd never felt the need to ask it of the Syrians either. To the extent there was any logic in demanding it of

s and cities of the West Bank. 413 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028261 / BARAK / 128 I issued a standing directive in the kirya that we should agree to anything Fayyad asked for, as long as there no security reason to say no. We ended up arranging a direct source of fuel supply to Jenin, on the northern edge of the

f Fayyad succeeded in what he was trying to accomplish, it would be a benefit not just for the Palestinians, but for Israel too. Bibi was agnostic on Fayyad's efforts. Yet he recognized they did no harm. And in a way, my support for them was politically convenient. To the extent the international communit

replaces the old idea of dynasty. The regime of the Al-Assads does not believe in freedom of information. An American journalist friend of mine, in Damascus during the regime of the father, Hafez, witnessed a failed attempt to assassinate that president, and he accordingly filed a report to his wire ser

President Mahmoud Abbas's insistence that it should be headed by his current prime minister, Salam Fayyad, infuriated Hamas. The Islamists loathe Fayyad, who has overseen a four-year crackdown on their membership in the West Bank in cooperation with Israeli forces, as much as he is feted by Western

slie H. Gelb Article 5. The Daily Star A Turkish model of governance for the Arabs? Mustafa Akyol Article 6. The National Interest Dead End in Damascus Ariel Cohen Article 7. Yale-Global The Muslim Brotherhood and Egypt's Economy? EFTA00686997 Mohamed El Dahshan .4,t de 1. NYT Unity Deal Br

residential and legislative elections. It was unclear what role the current prime minister, Salam Fayyad, would play in the interim government. Mr. Fayyad is admired abroad for his financial transparency, and is the reason that some countries provide aid to the Palestinian Authority — more than $1 bil

n to grant us explicit recognition as a Jewish state when we made peace with them. Even when Bibi himself had briefly tried to open negotiations with Damascus in his first period as Prime Minister, we’d never felt the need to ask it of the Syrians either. To the extent there was any logic in demanding it of

and cities of the West Bank. 413 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011884 / BARAK / 128 I issued a standing directive in the kirya that we should agree to anything Fayyad asked for, as long as there no security reason to say no. We ended up arranging a direct source of fuel supply to Jenin, on the northern edge of the

y and not send us back." No doubt it is also true, as White House spokesman Jay Carney noted yesterday, that the attempted breach was an effort by Damascus "to distract attention from the legitimate expression of protest by the Syrian people." The border between Israel and Syria has been quiet for 37

ntal view of the world. While Netanyahu and the gerontocrats of the American Jewish establishment yearn for a return to the days of George W. Bush, Fayyad has developed a strategy for the post-American age. He knows that if Netanyahu continues to EFTA00586644 13 entrench the occupation and Palestin

l UN team, among them Fabrice Aidan, on my way to Damascus for a new round of talks with the President. Midw

ama’s Cairo Speech. 14 June 2009 Prime Minister Netanyahu’s Speech at Bar Ilan University. 25 August 2009 Ending Occupation, Establishing the State: Fayyad Plan. 25 September 2009 Report of the United Nations fact finding mission on the Gaza conflict: the Goldstone report. 31 May 2010 Gaza Flotilla Inc

address that stressed fixing America's broken house, not chasing around the world trying to fix everyone else's. The future of America isn't Cairo or Damascus; it's Chicago and Detroit. Aaron David Miller is a distinguished scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Article 3. Agenc

ostering the end of violent resistance in the West Bank in the years after the bloody Second Intifada, coupled with Palestinian Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad's widely-respected institution- building initiative, could get a crucial private sector assist through Rawabi's eventual success. And Rawabi gets at

yone else's. The future of America isn't Cairo or Damascus; it's Chicago and Detroit. Aaron David Miller is

ostering the end of violent resistance in the West Bank in the years after the bloody Second Intifada, coupled with Palestinian Prime Minister Salaam Fayyad's widely-respected institution- building initiative, could get a crucial private sector assist through Rawabi's eventual success. And Rawabi gets at