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ity Council is unable to muster the votes to condemn the bloodshed much less impose sanctions. Russia, cynically protecting longstanding ties with Damascus, is blocking meaningful action and China has fallen in lockstep. India is also reluctant to act — a shameful stance for a democracy that has been b
ad in the face of a popular uprising. But there remains obscurity over how to deal with Binyamin Netanyahu's obstructionism, recently described by Thomas Friedman as the "Mubarak of the peace process". Meanwhile, non-Arab states of the Middle East have created a brand of diplomacy where ideas are energeticall
ity Council is unable to muster the votes to condemn the bloodshed much less impose sanctions. Russia, cynically protecting longstanding ties with Damascus, is blocking meaningful action and China has fallen in lockstep. India is also reluctant to act — a shameful stance for a democracy that has been b
ad in the face of a popular uprising. But there remains obscurity over how to deal with Binyamin Netanyahu's obstructionism, recently described by Thomas Friedman as the "Mubarak of the peace process". Meanwhile, non-Arab states of the Middle East have created a brand of diplomacy where ideas are energeticall
ity Council is unable to muster the votes to condemn the bloodshed much less impose sanctions. Russia, cynically protecting longstanding ties with Damascus, is blocking meaningful action and China has fallen in lockstep. India is also reluctant to act — a shameful stance for a democracy that has been b
ad in the face of a popular uprising. But there remains obscurity over how to deal with Binyamin Netanyahu's obstructionism, recently described by Thomas Friedman as the "Mubarak of the peace process". Meanwhile, non-Arab states of the Middle East have created a brand of diplomacy where ideas are energeticall
ity Council is unable to muster the votes to condemn the bloodshed much less impose sanctions. Russia, cynically protecting longstanding ties with Damascus, is blocking meaningful action and China has fallen in lockstep. India is also reluctant to act — a shameful stance for a democracy that has been b
ad in the face of a popular uprising. But there remains obscurity over how to deal with Binyamin Netanyahu's obstructionism, recently described by Thomas Friedman as the "Mubarak of the peace process". Meanwhile, non-Arab states of the Middle East have created a brand of diplomacy where ideas are energeticall
l UN team, among them Fabrice Aidan, on my way to Damascus for a new round of talks with the President. Midw
t Cease-Fire Plan). 17 October 2001 Assassination of Israel tourism minister Rehavam Zeevi in Jerusalem by militants of the PFLP. 17 February 2002 Thomas Friedman of the New York Times publishes interview with Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia on his peace initiative. 12 March 2002 UN Security Council Reso
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023157 →apostates. Hamas, in contrast, does not call for the overthrow of Arab regimes and works with Shiite Iran and the Alawite-dominated secular regime in Damascus, pragmatically preferring weapons, money, and assistance in training to ideological consistency. Hamas, like its parent organization, the Muslim Bro
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023526 →nd least imperialistic super power in history. Of course, there is the question of war within the context of a nuclear- armed Iran. A few years ago, Thomas Friedman of the New York Times wrote, “I’d rather live with a nuclear Iran because it is the wisest thing under the circumstances.” Thomas Friedman may feel
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023542 →Entities connected to both Damascus and Thomas Friedman

Barack Obama
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
United States
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Tunisia
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Cairo
LOCATION
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Yemen
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION