Epstein Secrets

aigns sprang up in the Arab world. The Rebel campaign, turned grassroots movement, led to the removal of elected former president Mohamed Morsi. In Tunisia, Bahrain, Libya, Syria, Morocco, and Palestine, different versions of the Tamarod campaign took root, each born out of the experiences and politica

ring on its promises to Syrians, organisers say. In Morocco, a local Tamarod campaign began with the call to bring down the Islamist government of the Justice and Development Party, and is finding support from people across the political spectrum. EFTA00678461

gence of a Kurdish state is important. The first is that unlike other developments in the Middle East -- such as in Iran, Syria, Iraq, Libya, Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen, which involve only two states or two non-state actors, such as the Arab-Israel conflict, the division of Iraq into Arab and Kurdish sect

g the terms "Kurdistan" and "Kurt cografyasi." Galip Ensarioglu, himself a Kurd, a member of Diyarbakir's business class and a mayoral candidate on the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) ticket, also stated on Dec. 3 that he "would not hesitate to call every territory where Kurds live `Kurdistan.' I myself am Kurdish as w

turned protests into uprisings. The Islamists have worked hard to reassure Morocco's long-entrenched elite that they can be trusted. "In Egypt and Tunisia the army defends democracy," says a dutiful Mr Benkirane. "In Morocco it's the king." His party has muted its anti-secular rhetoric, to the joy of

This promised to transfer real (though not all) powers to a freely and fairly elected government. Within a year he accepted an electoral triumph by the Justice and Development Party (or PJD, after its French initials), a mildly Islamist group. The PJD has discarded its predecessors' hierarchical ways. Its leader, Mr Benkirane,

turned protests into uprisings. The Islamists have worked hard to reassure Morocco's long- entrenched elite that they can be trusted. "In Egypt and Tunisia the army defends democracy," says a dutiful Mr Benkirane. "In Morocco it's the king." His party has muted its anti-secular rhetoric, to the joy of

his promised to transfer real (though not all) powers to a freely and fairly elected government. Within a year he accepted an electoral triumph by the Justice and Development Party (or PJD, after its French initials), a mildly Islamist group. The PJD has discarded its predecessors' hierarchical ways. Its leader, Mr Benkirane,

istic consensual politics. We do not want a civil war in Syria, which could destabilize the whole region. Remember: Egypt implodes, Libya implodes, Tunisia implodes. ... Syria explodes. I don't know what is sufficient to persuade Assad to cede power to a national unity government, but I know what is n

ng nation-state, leaving a vacuum in the Middle East. In the past decade, though, Turkey's economic growth and emergence as a regional giant under the Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., have revived its standing. From the Syrian uprising to EFTA_R1_00229096 EFTA01842295 Iraq's sectarian convulsions to Iran's push for

n was: "America is our friend!" The men and women of the Arab Spring are not risking their lives for a "core" issue, but for the freedom of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Syria. And of Iran, as the Green revolutionaries did in Tehran in 2009. Every "Palestine-first" doctrine in the end comes down to that

of Gaza, who suffered the disproportionate military operations of the Israeli army conducted under the guise of "retaliation." But for some reason the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, government, which is eager to bash Israel on every occasion over Gaza, has very little to say in the face of the images of brutality comi

promotion strategy on the cheap. Others pointed to the role of Al Jazeera in focusing attention on the uprisings; its coverage of the revolution in Tunisia, it is argued, helped to "seed" the Arab Spring in other countries of the region. A proximate cause, to be sure -- but it is also important to keep

response to this threat would certainly have been for the Turkish body politic to finally and permanently address Turkey's own Kurdish problem. But the Justice and Development Party (AKP) leadership's prevailing populist tendencies seem to preclude this option despite a well-intentioned effort undertaken before the 2011 electio