Epstein Secrets

earlier this month. All in all, the Swiss government froze CHF830m — all linked to either Gaddafi, Hosni Mubarak (Egypt) or Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (Tunisia), said IBTimes earlier this month. What now? There are questions and criticisms about the handling of Libya's wealth. Questions of how to aid the

funds," wrote Dinucci in "Financial Heist of the Century? Some other commentators have compared the conflicts to the past ones of Iraq or to former Yugoslavia. Time will tell whether Libya will be able to set itself straight and to recover its wealth. B. Gravrand Gregory Brown Chairman & CEO GlobalCast

e through offspring: sons who had not risen through the military or other bureaucracies, and thus had no legitimacy. Marcus Aurelius was one thing; Tunisia's Zine el- Abidine Ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Syria's Bashar al- Assad, quite another. Certainly, the Arab Spring has proved much: that ther

mostly rejoiced when the former Soviet Union and its empire collapsed and some of its constituent republics fragmented into smaller units, notably Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. We should be prepared to deal with the specter of existing Arab countries that reconfigure their frontiers and populations whil

start talks. Reason number one was "changes in the surrounding neighbourhood" — which seems a rather mild description for revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, civil wars in Syria and Libya, and the destabilisation of Arab states from Morocco to Saudi Arabia. In fact, it is precisely the "changes in the s

ction of civilian infrastructure, and devastating outbreaks of sectarian violence of a kind that, as we should have learned from the dissolution of Yugoslavia, can readily follow the death or removal of a nationalist dictator. But the effects of war on the US and its allies may end up being almost as tra

start talks. Reason number one was "changes in the surrounding neighbourhood" — which seems a rather mild description for revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia, civil wars in Syria and Libya, and the destabilisation of Arab states from Morocco to Saudi Arabia. In fact, it is precisely the "changes in the s

ction of civilian infrastructure, and devastating outbreaks of sectarian violence of a kind that, as we should have learned from the dissolution of Yugoslavia, can readily follow the death or removal of a nationalist dictator. But the effects of war on the US and its allies may end up being almost as tra

n was: "America is our friend!" The men and women of the Arab Spring are not risking their lives for a "core" issue, but for the freedom of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Syria. And of Iran, as the Green revolutionaries did in Tehran in 2009. Every "Palestine-first" doctrine in the end comes down to that

rom these countries are not too different from the images that came out of Bosnia at the time of the Serbian Chetniks attacks during the breakup of Yugoslavia. The people in the cities under siege or under attack in Libya and Syria are, in the final analysis, as defenseless as the people of Gaza, who suf

ragua are simply power-hungry, Islamists are illiberal by ideological design. Even the most moderate among them, Rachid Ghannouchi, the founder of Tunisia's Nanda party, has written, according to Mr. Hamid, that Islamic governance "is the dividing line between faith and disbelief." I don't think this

engage from Europe three times since the end of the Cold War, and each time the disengagement failed. The Clinton administration tried to outsource Yugoslavia to the Europeans in the 1990s and was ultimately pulled into the Balkans. George W. Bush tried to conduct foreign policy around and over the heads

mptions can lead you into as much trouble this quickly. Even in 1989-90, those countries were the exception and not the rule. Think Ukraine, Belarus, Yugoslavia, Romania, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and of course Russia itself. More people live in countries where the 1989-90 revolutionary wave failed t

already are doing a lot. We've got organizations like the National Democratic Institute, or the International Republican Institute, that are all over Tunisia and Egypt and Libya, and other places, trying to help them organize political parties, trade unions, civil-society organizations, that hopefully will

ld mostly rejoiced when the former Soviet Union and its empire collapsed and some of its constituent republics fragmented into smaller units, notably Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. We should be prepared to deal with the specter of existing Arab countries that reconfigure their frontiers and populations while

ule through offspring: sons who had not risen through the military or other bureaucracies, and thus had no legitimacy. Marcus Aurelius was one thing; Tunisia's Zine el- Abidine Ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Syria's Bashar al- Assad, quite another. Certainly, the Arab Spring has proved much: that there