Epstein Secrets

04 EFTA02681489 6 Fatah and end armed resistance against Israel. Hartwell writes that Hamas leader Khaled Meshal, in a meeting on November 24 in Cairo with Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas, accepted "in writing with a signature" the need to embrace peaceful activism. And if this is not controv

years. The two largest political factions in the so-called "lower house"—the Muslim Brotherhood (represented by its political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP)) and the Salafi Al-Nour Party—are well aware that within that term, their constituents will expect them to deliver on some of their promises

helicopters in the skies and bulldozers on the streets, stormed thousands of the Brothers' supporters encamped beside a mosque and a university in Cairo. Hundreds were killed and nearly 3,000 injured and the violence spread to other cities, including Alexandria and Suez (see article). A score of ch

ure, repression and stagnation. We are not buying. And America shouldn't either. Amr Darrag is a member of the executive board of the Freedom and Justice Party, which is affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood. He was Egypt's minister of planning and international cooperation under President Mohamed Morsi.

expressing only vague sympathy for the "aspirations of the people." Different leaders of Hamas have found new homes for themselves: Abu-Marzuq in Cairo; Muhammad Nazzal in Amman; Imad al-Alami (the military supremo) went back to Gaza. But no country — except far-away Qatar — has so far agreed to a

is seen as being particularly enamored with the prospects of Islamists in government," Danin says. In Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party now controls roughly 45% of parliamentary seats. In Tunisia, recent elections propelled Islamists to the top. Carnegie's Ottaway says it is "inevi

o fears that the generals might use the election as an opportunity to put one over their most powerful challenger — rumors have abounded lately in Cairo about the possibility of a presidential run by Omar Suleiman, Mubarak's former intelligence chief and figurative "Hand of the King." Alternately, th

o the more extreme Salafists who have emerged as the wild-card in post-Mubarak politics. The Salafist Nour party ran the Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party a close second, finishing with 28% of the vote (against the FJP's 38%) in the parliamentary elections that concluded in January. Without a Brotherh

litical activist who ran for parliament under Mubarak, told Ahram Online from her home in Rafah. "I am more Egyptian than other Egyptians living in Cairo or elsewhere, as I reside on the turbulent borders," she said. Political sociologists stress that this feeling of marginalisation has become a sel

al analogies that are interesting but are hardly predictive of the Brotherhood's political trajectory. Still, if the reception that the Freedom and Justice Party received in Washington last March is any indication, these arguments hold sway and insulate Morsi and the EFTA00711986 Brotherhood from the wides

political system. Article S. The Washington Post E FTA_R1_00298259 EFTA01883840 Egypt's Morsi defies predictions Ernesto Londoho August 14 -- Cairo — A month ago, as President Mohamed Morsi was sworn in, Egyptians who loved and loathed him could agree on one fact: The Islamist would be a relati

believe that this is a step in the transition toward democracy, but I'm very apprehensive," said Nora Soliman, one of the founders of the liberal Justice Party. "They have control over most of the levers of power." Soliman said she was no fan of the country's generals but saw them as a necessary evil durin