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o fears that the generals might use the election as an opportunity to put one over their most powerful challenger — rumors have abounded lately in Cairo about the possibility of a presidential run by Omar Suleiman, Mubarak's former intelligence chief and figurative "Hand of the King." Alternately, th
ad to a less religious world. Simply put, modernization equaled secularization. In Europe, that assumption was common to the theories of Karl Marx, Max Weber, and Sigmund Freud. In the United States, too, social scientists with policymaking influence, among them Walt Rostow and Daniel Bell, predicted the
blur of infection-led family migrations. “Anywhere in the world there was an epidemic, we would go,” he recalled. As the family bounced from Dehli to Cairo to Dakha to Nairobi, racing diseases one after another, Danny developed a vivid, energetic autodidactisism. He would collect knowledge from his paren
your family or your company. The Internet. The FTSE 100. Your Apple or Android operating system. In our connected age, the act of drawing lines 229 Max Weber: Max Weber and Sam Whimster, The Essential Weber: A Reader. (London: Routledge, 2004), 355 156 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018388 between points is also an ac
WHEN THESE LEADERS fell, the Western media joyously proclaimed the end of an era. When the demonstrations began in late January in Tahrir Square in Cairo, exhilaration grew by the hour not only among the participants but also among the journalists who had hastened to Egypt from all parts of the globe
t a well-oiled propaganda machine. Some have defined the Egyptian regime (and some others in the Middle East) as "Sultanist." A term popularized by Max Weber, it connotes a despotic and unpredictable regime in which everything depends on one person, the ruler. But Mubarak's sway was by no means unlimite
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