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become so heavily armed that it sustained hostilities with Israel for several EFTA00707183 days in 2006, is now politically exposed back home in Lebanon and throughout the Arab world for fighting and killing fellow Muslims in a neighboring Arab country on behalf of a secular dictatorship. Its opera
decision not to act on Syria and the United Nations Security Council's decision to pass a weak resolution on Syria the last straws? It was based on U.N. Security Council decisions, especially the one on the issue of [Syrian] chemical weapons removal. The fact that it had no enforcement powers? Not only that — the f
morally credible argument against intervention—by someone. Leaving Syria to descend into the kind of sectarian violence that devastated neighboring Lebanon in the 1980s would condemn hundreds of thousands to premature, violent death. Syria is five times the size of Lebanon. The risks of leaving it to d
uiring nuclear weapons can rarely be dissuaded. Take North Korea, which succeeded in building its weapons despite countless rounds of sanctions and U.N. Security Council resolutions. If EFTA00671817 Tehran decides that its security depends on possessing nuclear weapons, sanctions are unlikely to change its mind.
Iran's closest ally, and its link to the Arab Middle East. Syria has provided the land bridge for the transport of Iranian weapons and militants to Lebanon and the Gaza Strip. Without Syria, Iran's pretensions to regional hegemony, and its ability to challenge Israel, would be crippled. It follows tha
e course of events in the Arab world, Beijing's stance shifted from resistance to foreign intervention to a surprising abstention on the March 2011 U.N. Security Council vote on Resolution 1973, which aimed to halt the Gadhafi regime's onslaught on rebel groups in Libya. Then in February 2012 E FTA_R1_02204199 EFT
n the West, but no one in the Middle East buys Iran's projection of pacifism. Indeed, Tehran's direct involvement in Sunni-Shiite carnage in Syria, Lebanon and has sharpened its image. Iran's breakout capability will be pivotal in regional assessments, with most governments likely to conclude that if
vilian purposes? How would U.S. officials argue that what the deal concedes to the ayatollahs' regime, after a decade of flagrant violations of six U.N. Security Council resolutions and their commitments under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, is forbidden for more responsible countries? How could the United States cas
not deal with these people on a sectarian basis, except for its own [Shiite] citizens. However, today, the Kingdom looks at Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, Lebanon, Syria as well as Iran from a sectarian perspective. In order to change this outlook, the Kingdom ought to put the EFTA_R1_02211663 EFTA02724657
tional terrorism against the United States." It would be to prevent Iran—the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism, in violation of countless U.N. Security Council and IAEA board of governors resolutions, and under international sanctions—from obtaining nuclear weapons. Such a proposal by President Obama woul
Entities connected to both Lebanon and U.N. Security Council

Barack Obama
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATION
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Terje Rod-Larsen
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSON
Department of Justice
ORGANIZATION
Yemen
LOCATION
Joe Biden
PERSON
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Cairo
LOCATION