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tinian water wells will run dry and Palestinian fields will brown and crack for lack of irrigation (Israel denies Palestinians access to water from the Jordan River and makes it almost impossible for them to dig new wells, even as it uses, according to a World Bank estimate, more than 80% of the West Bank's gro
Bank herding community of Az Zayyim, rendering dozens of people homeless. Days later, Israel demolished all the homes of the village of Mak-hul in the Jordan Valley, and declared its ruins a closed military area, preventing the villagers' return. And so it goes — a litany of catastrophes occurring on a small s
inimical to the comprehensive resolution all claim to seek. Since the inception of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the status of the land between the Jordan River and Mediterranean Sea has been determined almost invariably by acts of war or unilateral decisions. Even the Oslo Accords altered the status of Pal
through a porous border with Egypt soured Israelis' mood. Sooner or later, the plan could be revived, coupled with an Israeli military presence in the Jordan Valley to minimize risks of a Gazan repeat. Fatah and the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority have a long-term objective that differs markedly from Isra
rmer commander of NATO forces in Afghanistan, to come up with a made-in-America solution to Israel's security needs on its "eastern front" — across the Jordan River eastward to Iraq and Iran. Unlike the diplomatic track, whose failure to get out of neutral is subject to much informed and uninformed commentary,
reconciliation with Palestinian nationalism, in reiterating opposition to any significant change in Israel's military presence in and control over the Jordan Valley. EFTA00636708 At a Knesset meeting in October marking the 18th anniversary of the Rabin's assassination Netanyahu declared, "Our strength is the
st Jerusalem, I expected to be able to retain Israeli sovereignty over the city. The third principle was that there would be “no foreign army west of the Jordan River.” In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the
ver.” In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the Jordan Valley. Finally, we would not “‘accept responsibility for the birth of the refugee problem and its solution.” Though there could be a “right of return” into
st Jerusalem, I expected to be able to retain Israeli sovereignty over the city. The third principle was that there would be "no foreign army west of the Jordan River." In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the
ver." In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the Jordan Valley. Finally, we would not "accept responsibility for the birth of the refugee problem and its solution." Though there could be a "right of return" into
Entities connected to both the Jordan River and the Jordan Valley

Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Jerusalem
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
United States
LOCATION
West Bank
LOCATION
Damascus
LOCATIONthe West Bank
LOCATION
Tehran
LOCATION
Ehud Barak
PERSONMediterranean
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Rabin
PERSON
Middle East
LOCATION
Yasser Arafat
PERSON
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Shimon Peres
PERSON