Epstein Secrets

njamin Netanyahu, the two close allies are at odds once again - - this time over a proposed "first step" nuclear agreement with Iran. Washington and Jerusalem eventually will find a way to move beyond this titanic clash, but no kiss-and-make-up effort can erase the scars that will be left behind. The cur

Bank herding community of Az Zayyim, rendering dozens of people homeless. Days later, Israel demolished all the homes of the village of Mak-hul in the Jordan Valley, and declared its ruins a closed military area, preventing the villagers' return. And so it goes — a litany of catastrophes occurring on a small s

closer at hand: building institutions of a putative state, governing their people and lessening Israel's footprint. They are unlikely to agree with Jerusalem over the scope of its withdrawal, which almost certainly makes negotiations futile. For now, a unilateral Israeli decision could suit both sides. A

through a porous border with Egypt soured Israelis' mood. Sooner or later, the plan could be revived, coupled with an Israeli military presence in the Jordan Valley to minimize risks of a Gazan repeat. Fatah and the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority have a long-term objective that differs markedly from Isra

-- of the U.S.'s troubles in the Muslim world. Before I go on, the usual caveats: The settlement project -- especially those settlements far from Jerusalem that have been planted in the middle of thickly populated Palestinian areas -- is a strategic and moral disaster for Israel. The settlements should

reconciliation with Palestinian nationalism, in reiterating opposition to any significant change in Israel's military presence in and control over the Jordan Valley. EFTA00636708 At a Knesset meeting in October marking the 18th anniversary of the Rabin's assassination Netanyahu declared, "Our strength is the

st serious obstacle is Israeli and ideological. Most of Netanyahu's Likud, along with his ultra-rightist, Orthodox coalition partners, believe that Jerusalem and the whole land of Israel is the sacred EFTA00662853 patrimony of their Jewish state. They aren't moved by Kerry's claim that endless rule ove

and Olmert told me in separate interviews for the New York Times Magazine in 2011, the outline would include a non-militarized Palestinian state in the Jordan Valley, with American security guarantees for Israel; borders based on the 1967 lines, with land swaps to allow a majority of Jewish settlers to remain in

now, and consequently the issue of Palestine has been pushed aside, so Israel continues to promote its policy of building new Jewish settlements in Jerusalem and in the West Bank. Gingrich, who was supported by the neoconservatives, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, and many other pro-Israel

lomacy is based on fantasy. Who can imagine Syrian President Bashar al-Assad placidly agreeing to step down? Or Netanyahu ceding East Jerusalem and the Jordan Valley to the Palestinians and their security forces? Diplomatic breakthroughs, like arms control agreements, don't happen in a vacuum; they happen becau

e effective areas: • Those that are relatively certain to remain part of Israel, such as Ma'ale Adumim, Gilo and other areas close to the center of Jerusalem. • Those that are relatively certain to become part of a Palestinian state, such as Ramallah, Jericho, Jenin and the vast majority of the heavily

descendents of those who once lived in what is now Israel. It will require an agreement over Jerusalem, plus assurances about Israel's security in the Jordan Valley and in areas that could pose the threat of rocket attacks like those that have come from the Gaza Strip in recent years. Both sides say they want

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne’eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem

ver.” In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the Jordan Valley. Finally, we would not “‘accept responsibility for the birth of the refugee problem and its solution.” Though there could be a “right of return” into

an assurance of confidentiality through Ne'eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem

ver." In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the Jordan Valley. Finally, we would not "accept responsibility for the birth of the refugee problem and its solution." Though there could be a "right of return" into

rugged hill country, and perhaps even glimpses of the Jordan River Valley on a clear day. It is still possible to remain u

e sole outlet to Rawabi sits off a dizzying two-lane highway flanked by round, scraggly hills. In this part of the West Bank, just north of where the Jerusalem suburbs thin into a dry, granite- gray wilderness, the mountains seem to aid in the illusion that Israeli and Palestinian spheres of authority can re

rugged hill country, and perhaps even glimpses of the Jordan River Valley on a clear day. It is still possible to remain un

e sole outlet to Rawabi sits off a dizzying two-lane highway flanked by round, scraggly hills. In this part of the West Bank, just north of where the Jerusalem suburbs thin into a dry, granite- gray wilderness, the mountains seem to aid in the illusion that Israeli and Palestinian spheres of authority can re