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gambits in response. Another lesson of the Cold War is that military superiority, particularly nuclear superiority, matters. During the Kennedy and Dwight Eisenhower administrations, the Kremlin's thinking was dominated by the knowledge that the U.S.'s arsenal could obliterate the Soviet Union. In those days, th
njamin Netanyahu, the two close allies are at odds once again - - this time over a proposed "first step" nuclear agreement with Iran. Washington and Jerusalem eventually will find a way to move beyond this titanic clash, but no kiss-and-make-up effort can erase the scars that will be left behind. The cur
admirers among policymakers, especially during the Cold War, when Schelling formulated his theory. John Foster Dulles, who served as U.S. President Dwight Eisenhower's secretary of state from 1953 to 1959, is considered by some historians as the "master of brinkmanship." Recent research suggests that the Eisenho
its pre-1967 borders, Palestinians accepting compensation in lieu of an actual "right of return," and some sort of creative arrangement for sharing Jerusalem. Let's stop the bickering and get on with it. The problem with this analysis is that it implicitly treats peace as an agreement between equals. Tha
motorcade with stones, shouting, "Out, dog! We won't forget Guatemala!" Angry Japanese students protested American "imperialism," forcing President Dwight Eisenhower to cancel a "goodwill" visit to Tokyo, and Ike spent his days wishing he could find a way to get people in other countries "to like us instead of h
ents for Israel as part of a peace agreement. On the area most likely to prove difficult for Netanyahu to agree to at this time—the final status of Jerusalem—the United States is reportedly preparing formulas EFTA00684258 sufficiently vague so as to be unobjectionable to the Israeli leader or his coali
Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had spent together, I’d felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that went beyon
an assurance of confidentiality through Ne’eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem
Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had spent together, I'd felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that went beyon
an assurance of confidentiality through Ne'eman. The first of about a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister's residence in Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party mem
Entities connected to both Dwight Eisenhower and Jerusalem

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Fatah
ORGANIZATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Mahmoud Abbas
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSON
West Bank
LOCATION
Middle East
LOCATIONthe West Bank
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Joe Biden
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
Prince Andrew
PERSON