Epstein Secrets

eeting Mr. Morsi on Saturday, Mrs. Clinton sat down on Sunday morning with Field Marshal Tantawi, whose military council took power after President Hosni Mubarak was deposed last year. The military still retains broad legislative and executive authority, having seized further powers before the presidential e

ilitary council took power after President Hosni Mubarak was deposed last year. The military still retain

ay for a political party that would be conservatively religious but not outright Islamist. In 2001, Erdogan seized the moment, forming a new party, the Justice and Development Party, or AKP. The AKP, according to Balci, contrasted with its Islamist precursors EFTA00701894 in two key respects: it was highly internationalist, a

out of Stars and Stripes to trample, or were too concerned about the environment to burn Benjamin Netanyahu in effigy. It's that their targets were Hosni Mubarak, Zine el Abidine Ben-Ali, Moammar Gadhafi and the others— no stooges of Zionism they. In Benghazi, the slogan was: "America is our friend!" The men

Despots do, which is why they happily let the Palestinian sore fester for generations. Israel, which has reacted in utter confusion to the fall of Mubarak, might listen up as well. If democracies don't have to "busy giddy minds with foreign quarrels," as Shakespeare has it in Henry IV, then Israel's

of Gaza, who suffered the disproportionate military operations of the Israeli army conducted under the guise of "retaliation." But for some reason the Justice and Development Party, or AKP, government, which is eager to bash Israel on every occasion over Gaza, has very little to say in the face of the images of brutality comi

n Egypt: They were the prime intellectual authors and organizers of the January 2011 demonstrations that brought down the military-backed regime of Hosni Mubarak. They are leftist, secular intellectuals who have devoted their adult lives to fighting for human rights as the West conceives of them: free speech

ance with such democratic dissidents. When I saw him last week, he was despairing about the disastrous results of Obama's decision to embrace first Mubarak, then Morsi and now Sissi. "Today in Egypt people believe that America is on the side of freedom even less than they did in the time of Mubarak," S

ve accused Fethullah Gillen and the Hizmet movement he has inspired of being part of a "dirty operation, with external ties" aimed at overthrowing the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government. Prime Minister Erdogan's war on Gillen and the Hizmet community comes as a shock to all and, as an event, is something new f

countries like Egypt and Libya, there were growing disputes about political succession prior to the outbreak of protests. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's efforts to install his son Gamal as his heir apparent aroused significant opposition from different quarters in the Egyptian power structure, esp

eak of protests. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's efforts to install his son Gamal as his heir a

response to this threat would certainly have been for the Turkish body politic to finally and permanently address Turkey's own Kurdish problem. But the Justice and Development Party (AKP) leadership's prevailing populist tendencies seem to preclude this option despite a well-intentioned effort undertaken before the 2011 electio