Epstein Secrets

e worried that he might position himself as another Gen. Omar Suleiman, the charismatic intelligence chief who was the closest adviser to President Hosni Mubarak and ran some of the country's harshest counterterrorism programs. But the ruling Muslim Brotherhood didn't appear to have that fear — at least not

s, among others. Hamas and its allies in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood furiously condemned the attack, but in a throwback to the paranoid style of the Mubarak era, blamed it on the Israelis themselves, claiming a dark plot to sow discord between Cairo and Gaza. The discrepancy between those statements ob

t will only grow more complex and dangerous with time. There have been some admirable exceptions — Libya is certainly one — but Fouad Ajami of the Hoover Institution describes the sum as a "foreign policy of strategic abdication." Ideology is partly responsible. Mann's book describes an Obama foreign policy tea

slamist movements doesn't necessarily mean that they want to emulate Iran, but the messy politics in Egypt is better for Iran than former President Hosni Mubarak's opposition to Iran. The region is turbulent and preoccupied with Islamist concerns, and there is a political conflict with Saudi Arabia that is p

t is better for Iran than former President Hosni Mubarak's opposition to Iran. The region is turbulent and

arters as far less morally objectionable, than capturing and aggressively interrogating one," Rizzo wrote in a journal published by the right-wing Hoover Institution. For Nasser al-Awlaki, the news that his son was on a list for targeted killing was a matter of life and death. In August 2010, the American Civil

sidency) the winner by the barest of majorities over his opponent, Shafiq, who was widely viewed as the military's favored candidate and a relic of Hosni Mubarak's ousted dictatorship. The worst of it is this: no matter how unexpectedly skillful a politician Morsi might turn out to be, the task he's facing is

rim military government has actually ceded to him. Just weeks before he took the oath of office, the Supreme Court, stacked with holdovers from the Mubarak regime, effectively dissolved the country's first freely elected Parliament. Then the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) amended its own pr

a bad singer either. When I called out of the blue on Wednesday morning, the 91-year-old eminence grise was in his office at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and willing to meet for an interview that afternoon. The executive summary? On the economy: "We have some big problems in this country." He's very

lly bold move. How will it affect the endlessly turbulent and contentious Egyptian political transition? And could Khairat al-Shater really replace Hosni Mubarak as the President of Egypt? I've been studying Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood for many years, and have interviewed most of its senior leaders (including

st ruling, which was handed down in 2006, is still on his record. While he was released for health reasons last year after the uprising that ousted Mubarak, Al-Shater was yet to receive another pardon by SCAF before his Saturday nomination. The Brotherhood lawyer said Sunday that Al-Shater had indeed

idence that the world could be held at bay—at least until November, past that last election. Mr. Ajami is a senior fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and co-chair of Hoover's Working Group on Islamism and the International Order EFTA00656353 The Washington Post Book review: `The Crisis of Zio

risis last year, portraying it as kowto=ing to Israel. In fact, Morsi is under fire from both the left and the right for up=olding former President Hosni Mubarak's obliging approach to Israel, as =ell as for reasserting Mubarak's authoritarian bargain — diplomatic an= financial support in exchange for "stabili

s under fire from both the left and the right for up=olding former President Hosni Mubarak's obliging approach to Israel, as =ell as for reasserting Mubarak's authoritarian bargain — diplomatic an= financial support in exchange for "stability" — with the United States. Faced with a collapsing economy and

sh of caution, who has seen the risks of action an= overlooked the consequences of abdication. Fouad Ajami, a senior fellow =t Stanford University's Hoover Institution, is the author of "The Syri=n Rebellion" and "Dream Palace of the Arabs: A Generation's Odyssey." Article 3.<=a> Fpreign Affairs<Apan> Israel's M

/online.wsj.com/search/term.html?KE=WORDS=FOUAD+AJAMI&bylinesearch=true> February 10, 2013 -= Two years ago, on Feb. 11, 2011, the Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak chttp://topics.wsj.com/person/M/Hosni-Mubarak/6479> stepped aside, overwhelmed by 18 days of protes=s. Silent and remote, he had ruled for three de

ssness, t=e fault line between a feeble secular camp and a cynical Muslim Brotherhood bent on monopolizing political power—th=t the true work of the Mubarak tyranny can be fully appreciated. The "=deep state" he presided over—a Ministry of Interior with nearly two=million functionaries, a police force th

t= pilots of 9/11. It was folly and naiveté to think that we really knew and could befriend the tyrants. Mr. Ajami is a s=nior fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and the author of "The S=rian Rebellion" (Hoover Institution Press, 2012). Articl= 5. The Washington Post= Asian tension= add urgency to Obama's

sidency) the winner by the barest of majorities over his opponent, Shafiq, who was widely viewed as the military's favored candidate and a relic of Hosni Mubarak's ousted dictatorship. The worst of it is this: no matter how unexpectedly skillful a politician Morsi might turn out to be, the task he's facing is

rim military government has actually ceded to him. Just weeks before he took the oath of office, the Supreme Court, stacked with holdovers from the Mubarak regime, effectively dissolved the country's first freely elected EFTA_R1_02209742 EFTA02723614 Parliament. Then the Supreme Council of the Armed

a bad singer either. When I called out of the blue on Wednesday morning, the 91- year-old eminence grise was in his office at Stanford University's Hoover Institution and willing to meet for an interview that afternoon. The executive summary? On the economy: "We have some big problems in this country." He's very