Epstein Secrets

he People's Assembly. The Wafd is favorably viewed by 40% and the Muslim Brotherhood's by 31%. The New National Party, successor to former president Hosni Mubarak's National Democratic Party, surprises with 20% favorable. However, the poll's results indicate that most of the older parties are losing votes and

tional Party, successor to former president Hosni Mubarak's National Democratic Party, surprises with 20%

s to achieve justice and impartiality. US president Barack Obama is viewed favorably by just 12% of Egyptians. Newly-named Al Qaeda leader Ayman al- Zawahiri, a native Egyptian, is rated positively by 11% of his compatriots, while only 5% of them are favorable to Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmedinejad. "D

/online.wsj.com/search/term.html?KE=WORDS=FOUAD+AJAMI&bylinesearch=true> February 10, 2013 -= Two years ago, on Feb. 11, 2011, the Egyptian dictator Hosni Mubarak chttp://topics.wsj.com/person/M/Hosni-Mubarak/6479> stepped aside, overwhelmed by 18 days of protes=s. Silent and remote, he had ruled for three de

ssness, t=e fault line between a feeble secular camp and a cynical Muslim Brotherhood bent on monopolizing political power—th=t the true work of the Mubarak tyranny can be fully appreciated. The "=deep state" he presided over—a Ministry of Interior with nearly two=million functionaries, a police force th

s brought our way the jihadists. Two products of Mubarak'= Egypt must be figured into an audit of that regime: the Cairene al Qaeda =eader Ayman al- Zawahiri and the psychopath Mohammad Atta, who led the deat= pilots of 9/11. It was folly and naiveté to think that we really knew and could befriend the tyr

ge and powerful organization. Whether we like it or not, Hamas is the government of Gaza -- and terrorism helped them get there. And with the fall of Mubarak and the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt as an important political actor there, Hamas may gain influence. Al Qaeda, in contrast, is if an

religious base. In fact, the relationship between Hamas and al Qaeda, and between Hamas and al Qaeda-like jihadists in Gaza, is far more contentious. Zawahiri has blasted Hamas for adhering to ceasefires with Israel, not immediately implementing Islamic law in Gaza, and otherwise deviating from the pure fai

xtended and significant resistance against the regime having emerged. Meanwhile, Egypt is struggling with internal tension over the fall of President Hosni Mubarak and the future of the military junta that replaced him. Add to this the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq and the potential rise of Iranian power, and the po

ple. The Pan-Arab rising is moribund. Where it once threatened the existence of Muslim states, like the Arab monarchies, it is now itself threatened. Mubarak, Syrian President Bashar al Assad and Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi all represented the old Pan-Arab vision. A much better way to understand the "Ara

ttack on big, economically important targets — one that would HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031936 --- PAGE BREAK --- 25 match, if not outdo, the impact of 9/11. Zawahiri, by contrast, favored an opportunistic strategy of smaller strikes. • Bin Laden was a hands-on chief executive, with a role in operations planning an

spring will end is anyone's quess lan Black Article 2. | Al-Ahram Weekly Netanyahu and the Arab spring Abdel-Moneim Said AnicleS- |The New Yorker Zawahiri at the Helm Lawrence Wright Article 4. NYT Does Foreign Policy Matter? Roger Cohen Article. | Los Angeles Times European Union: Everywhere you lo

ab world being transformed by people power. Another variable has been the response: French support for Ben Ali was embarrassing; the US was praising Mubarak days before he departed. Muammar Gaddafi had no friends - and the Arab League was crucial in providing a figleaf for UN-sanctioned Nato intervention.