Epstein Secrets

ften used soccer as a means of diverting the attention of the masses or controlling them. No Egyptian president has been as attached to the game as Hosni Mubarak was. He always attended the national team's matches and was often seen yelling advice to the players. His sons, Alaa and Gamal, fraternized with Eg

the national team's matches and was often seen yelling advice to the players. His sons, Alaa and Gamal, fraternized with Egypt's top players. Mr. Mubarak's propaganda machine made sure that before a match, supporters were treated to patriotic songs and sloganeering. These displays were useful for def

alestinians reacted by applying for membership to various international organizations, and that was that. Not even dangling the possible release of Jonathan Pollard, the Israeli spy, could rescue things for Kerry. And when he pointed out the simple truth that the failure to release the prisoners and the announc

sent him. He is still on trial in the Hague. During the “Arab Spring” of 2011, I received calls from individuals representing both deposed President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt and then fugitive leader of Lybia, Muammar Gaddafi, both of whom were being accused of killing innocent civilians. A Norweigan human rights

leader of Lybia, Muammar Gaddafi, both of whom were being accused of killing innocent civilians. A Norweigan human rights activist who was close to Mubarak asked me if I would be willing to go to Cairo as part of the Mubarak legal team. I raised the question of whether it would be wise for Mubarek to be

ent sought my advice from time to time. Sometimes, I offered unsolicited advice, such as when I repeatedly urged him to commute the life sentence of Jonathan Pollard to time served. I pestered him so much about Pollard that he finally told me he didn’t want to hear anything more about it. I replied, “You can choos

assimilate Sinai's society into national structures. The second factor was the spread of extremist thought in a religious guise during the Sadat and Mubarak eras. Almost intrinsically hostile to many domestic and foreign policy orientations, that type of thought inevitably spread to Sinai. As the situat

ties in a large number of areas, U.S.-Israel relations are still affected by an undercurrent of mistrust. This reflects past incidents (such as the Jonathan Pollard affair, Israeli technology and arms transfers to China, or Washington's insistence on the 2006 election that brought Hamas to power), and current t