Epstein Secrets

r at least temper any clash of civilizations, then again this policy is producing the opposite result. And if one believes that just as the days of Hosni Mubarak's regime were numbered, and so the idea of a Mubarak 2.0 can never achieve stability in Egypt, no matter how ruthless its brand of authoritarianism,

nd if one believes that just as the days of Hosni Mubarak's regime were numbered, and so the idea of a Mub

ainment begin? In March 1947, with Greece in danger of collapse from a Soviet-backed insurgency and Turkey under direct Russian pressure, President Truman went to Congress for major and immediate economic and military aid to both countries. That means weaponry, Mr. President. It was the beginning of t

those presidents and kings on whom America depended to help protect its interests. They were constant, if not always agreeable, companions. Egypt's Mubarak, Jordan's King Hussein, Tunisia's Ben Ali, Yemen's Ali Saleh, Morocco's King Hassan II, Saudi Arabia's kings Fand and Abdullah. The PLO's Yasir Ara

eiman, Egypt's longtime intelligence chief and Hosni Mubarak consigliere, who had recently thrown his hat in the political race. "Omar Suleiman and Hosni Mubarak's intelligence men are trying to drag us backwards," he half- shouted. They want to "steal the revolution and forge the elections." Just over 48 hou

y, the secretary of state stepped forward to formulate the nation's strategic path. The memorable strategists include George Marshall for President Truman, Henry Kissinger for Nixon, James Baker for George H.W. Bush. But for almost two decades now, policymaking power has been concentrated increasingly

ican political scientist, saw it as proof that democracy cannot put down roots in stony ground. A third serious setback was Egypt. The collapse of Hosni Mubarak's regime in 2011, amid giant protests, raised hopes that democracy would spread in the Middle East. But the euphoria soon turned to despair. Egypt's

serious setback was Egypt. The collapse of Hosni Mubarak's regime in 2011, amid giant protests, raised ho

gnify the president's failure to see clearly the morass into which his misguided Middle Eastern policy would ultimately lead the United States. But Truman is guilty, according to Judis, not only of a failure of perception. He deserves blame for lending his nation's support to a movement that was most

n Egypt: They were the prime intellectual authors and organizers of the January 2011 demonstrations that brought down the military-backed regime of Hosni Mubarak. They are leftist, secular intellectuals who have devoted their adult lives to fighting for human rights as the West conceives of them: free speech

ance with such democratic dissidents. When I saw him last week, he was despairing about the disastrous results of Obama's decision to embrace first Mubarak, then Morsi and now Sissi. "Today in Egypt people believe that America is on the side of freedom even less than they did in the time of Mubarak," S

be feted at the Jewish Theological Seminary. When his old friend Eddie Jacobson introduced him as "the man who helped create the state of Israel," Truman responded, "What do you EFTA00684522 mean `helped to create'? I am Cyrus." Truman was referring to the Persian King who overthrew the Babylonians

uality between the very different actors who initiated it. None tried to seize a leadership role. The power struggle pitted the forces of President Hosni Mubarak's regime against the people, including women, who were on the streets and in the squares demanding freedom, dignity, and social justice. But now t

ets and in the squares demanding freedom, dignity, and social justice. But now things are strikingly different. The once unified opposition to the Mubarak regime has become fragmented, with each faction defending its own interests and advocating its own version of the revolution's goals. The two most

hose who work in the kitchen can't complain about how hot the stove is." [The well-known version of the saying is typically attributed to President Truman.] Roosevelt's point was that enduring harsh and hurtful criticism is one of those duties that goes part and parcel with holding public office in a

ertain. Do you think part of the kingdom's anger with the United States went back to 2011, when the U.S. allowed former Egyptian president [Hosni] Mubarak to be ousted so quickly? I think there was some disappointment that the United States did not stand by someone who for 30 years was a very staunch

the US and complicated US-Israel relations for generations—would fulfill the declared but unmet policy aspiration of every American president since Truman. Eliminating a large chemical-weapons arsenal that has been used repeatedly despite international prohibitions would restore the crucial deterrent

Blackwill: Pivot to Asia does not relieve us of serious interests we have in ME. We announce a pivot to Asia when: Iran — moving to nukes Egypt — Mubarak is in a cage and new govt could be seriously anti-US Syria — disintegrating Iraq — could fragment KSA — ripe for revolution ME peace process 1s d

. Obama’s approach is to take no risk, increment into a situation and hedge the position. No big bets. Maybe that’s right for these times but look at Truman with Marshall Plan; in *73 ME war Nixon used it to push Soviets out of ME which gave us 30 years of dominance in ME. Bush (I) pushed to integrate Ger