Epstein Secrets

king noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet if it was going to bring the peace process to a halt. I warned Bibi, both in the Knesset and in a series of speeches, about the alternative on the Palestinian side if those who wanted a negotiated peace had nothing bu

ak, I don’t get it. You’re a known public figure, with a great mind and a great military record. It’s already been a year-and-a-half since Israel got Netanyahu. What have you done to go after him? Why haven’t you gone on the attack?” He said it was time for me to wake up, and change tack. “Can you run throug

cene. In March 2002, suicide bombers murdered 30 people, mostly elderly, as they were celebrating the annual Passover Seder in a hotel dining room in Netanya. Arik hit back two days later with Israel’s largest military operation on the West Bank since 1967. Israeli forces retook major Palestinian towns, pl

s difficult as possible. They were also targeting our local surrogates, the Maronite-led South Lebanese Army militia. I’d been meeting regularly with Shaul Mofaz, the former paratroop officer who 337 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011808 / BARAK / 52 was now chief of staff, to ensure we had a plan to get our troops out as

king noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet if it was going to bring the peace process to a halt. I warned Bibi, both in the Knesset and in a series of speeches, about the alternative on the Palestinian side if those who wanted a negotiated peace had nothing bu

ak, I don't get it. You're a known public figure, with a great mind and a great military record. It's already been a year-and-a-half since Israel got Netanyahu. What have you done to go after him? Why haven't you gone on the attack?" He said it was time for me to wake up, and change tack. "Can you run throug

cene. In March 2002, suicide bombers murdered 30 people, mostly elderly, as they were celebrating the annual Passover Seder in a hotel dining room in Netanya. Arik hit back two days later with Israel's largest military operation on the West Bank since 1967. Israeli forces retook major Palestinian towns, pl

s difficult as possible. They were also targeting our local surrogates, the Maronite-led South Lebanese Army militia. I'd been meeting regularly with Shaul Mofaz, the former paratroop officer who 337 HOUSE _OVERSIGHT_028185 / BARAK / 52 was now chief of staff, to ensure we had a plan to get our troops out as

anted to negotiate just as the freeze was about to expire. Dershowitz said he came away from his discussion with Abbas convinced that "if Abbas and Bibi Netanyahu sit down and have serious talks, they will find their positions much closer than is widely believed." In Abbas's September 27th speech be

to negotiate just as the freeze was about to expire. Dershowitz said he came away from his discussion with Abbas convinced that "if Abbas and Bibi Netanyahu sit down and have serious talks, they will find their positions much closer than is widely believed." In Abbas's September 27th speech before the UN

ons with the Palestinians would rejigger the Israeli political map, creating opportunities for another center—right alliance, as was attempted with Shaul Mofaz last spring. Domestic political EFTA00700351 considerations will weigh heavily on Netanyahu's thinking, and in that regard there are more reasons

y". The Israelis have done it before, notably in 1997 when they almost killed Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Amman, on the orders of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. There is nothing that would have prevented them from doing it yet again to Arafat, whom they regarded as a prime terrorist and the single source o

under lock and key until 2018, exactly 70-years after the loss of Palestine. Records of Arafat's death, therefore, will not be opened until 2074. Netanyahu's move came only after the Shin Bet applied pressure to prevent the opening of state archives. According to State Archivist Yehoshua Freundlich, th

e Gaza Strip in 2007, its leaders claim that they found a letter dating back to July 13, 2003, addressed by Dahlan to then- Israeli defense minister Shaul Mofaz. According to Hamas, he said: "The fear now is that Yasser Arafat will merge the Legislative Council to withdraw confidence [from the Abbas cabinet

n 10,000 civilians, but a prime strategic interest of Israel and the United States. So why are both the Obama administration and the government of Benjamin Netanyahu unethusiastic — to say the least — about even indirect military intervention to topple Assad? In part it's because of worry about what would follow

tlingly generous offer a falling Olmert made in late 2008, nothing Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu can offer will elicit a yes. This would leave Netanyahu facing two alternatives: continue economic and institutional development in the West Bank without talks, or undertake a Sharon/Olmert/Mofaz move in

t Bank might permit the same sort of terrorist takeover that withdrawal had allowed in Gaza and in south Lebanon. Now that former Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz -- who had previously presented a peace plan that would result in the creation of a Palestinian state in 60 percent of the West Bank's land -- has

ore, notably in 1997 when EFTA_R1_02209755 EFTA02723627 they almost killed Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Amman, on the orders of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. There is nothing that would have prevented them from doing it yet again to Arafat, whom they regarded as a prime terrorist and the single source

under lock and key until 2018, exactly 70-years after the loss of Palestine. Records of Arafat's death, therefore, will not be opened until 2074. Netanyahu's move came only after the Shin Bet applied pressure to prevent the opening of state archives. According to State Archivist Yehoshua Freundlich, th

e Gaza Strip in 2007, its leaders claim that they found a letter dating back to July 13, 2003, addressed by Dahlan to then-Israeli defense minister Shaul Mofaz. According to Hamas, he said: "The fear now is that Yasser EFTA_R1_02209756 EFTA02723628 Arafat will merge the Legislative Council to withdraw

was the small matter of the article in Hadashot several years earlier, imagining me as a Labor leader going head-to-head in a future election against Bibi Netanyahu for the Likud. Yossi was assumed to be more of a Likudnik, and a few weeks before Dan left office, I learned how Misha had rebutted the su

he small matter of the article in Hadashot several years earlier, imagining me as a Labor leader going head-to-head in a future election against Bibi Netanyahu for the Likud. Yossi was assumed to be more of a Likudnik, and a few weeks before Dan left office, I learned how Misha had rebutted the suggestion I

tebbe, he said that if we couldn’t be reasonably confident of success, we would negotiate. Now that we knew where Waschsman was being held, I ordered Shaul Mofaz, the commander with responsibility for the West Bank, to prepare for a possible rescue. Before going to brief Rabin, I arranged for another commando

was the small matter of the article in Hadashot several years earlier, imagining me as a Labor leader going head-to-head in a future election against Bibi Netanyahu for the Likud Yossi was assumed to be more of a Likudnik, and a few weeks before Dan left office, I learned how Misha had rebutted the sugg

he small matter of the article in Hadashot several years earlier, imagining me as a Labor leader going head-to-head in a future election against Bibi Netanyahu for the Likud Yossi was assumed to be more of a Likudnik, and a few weeks before Dan left office, I learned how Misha had rebutted the suggestion I w

tebbe, he said that if we couldn't be reasonably confident of success, we would negotiate. Now that we knew where Waschsman was being held, I ordered Shaul Mofaz, the commander with responsibility for the West Bank, to prepare for a possible rescue. Before going to brief Rabin, I arranged for another commando