Epstein Secrets

gan his campaign for president he had almost no friends in politics. The only two actual politicians with whom Trump was close were Rudy Giuliani and Chris Christie, and both men were in their own way peculiar and isolated. And to say that he knew nothing— nothing at all—about the basic intellectual foundations o

The day after the election, Trump’s close advisers—suddenly eager to be part of a process that almost everybody had ignored—immediately began blaming Christie for a lack of transition preparations. Hurriedly, the bare-bones transition team moved from downtown Washington to Trump Tower. This was certainly s

political experience. Christie, like most Trump allies, fell in and out of favor. In the final weeks of the campaign, Trump contemptuously measured Christie’s increasing distance from his losing enterprise, and then, with victory, his eagerness to get back in. Trump and Christie went back to Trump’s days t

law, carefully displacing as little air as possible: the massive and domineering older man, the reedy and pliant younger one. In the revised death-of-Chris-Christie story, it is not the deferential Jared who strikes back, but—in some sense even more satisfying for the revenge fantasy—Charlie Kushner himself who h

all-girl Catholic school in St. Louis (still wearing a diamond cross around her neck) and volunteer work on local political campaigns, Walsh went to George Washington University—D.C. area colleges being among the most reliable feeders of swamp talent (government is not really an Ivy League profession). Most governm

ellent question. And maybe it4>=804os time we stopped blaming the lack of traction experienced by establi=hment conservatives like Bush, Kasich, and Chris Christie on things like p=rsonality and debating skill, and started talking again about that thing k=own as "the conservative movement." And as Mi=hael Lind

abandoned it after winning the White House. 19 EFTA_R1_00006495 EFTA01732900 Thus you have the spectacle of insiders like Jeb Bush, K=sich and Christie trying to sell policies that were unworkable even in the=Reagan years and since have become far more radical and therefore less pal=table. Once agai

thing k=own as "the conservative movement." And as Mi=hael Lind says — Maybe the real problem is less Jeb's awkw=rdness, or Kasich's personality, or Christie's New Jersey =ravado, than an issue that runs much deeper. The establishment candidates =n this year's Republican primary nomination campaign are out

t in parliament in the December 2005 elections, and when the new Iraqi c=binet was announced in May 2006, he was not given a post. Once dubbe= the "George Washington of Iraq" by American neoconservat=ve supporters, he later fell out of favor and came under investigation by =everal U.S. government sources. Chalabi

City. And Mar-a-Lago. And Trump SoHo. Both Chris Christie and Rudy Giuliani—each a self-styled expert on th

as going to throw him in the soup. Manafort was going to roll. And it wasn’t just Russia. It was Atlantic City. And Mar-a-Lago. And Trump SoHo. Both Chris Christie and Rudy Giuliani—each a self-styled expert on the DOJ and the FBI, and ever assuring Trump of their inside sources—encouraged him to take the view t

New Jersey, the daughter of a trucker, raised by a single mother (and, always in her narrative, her grandmother and two unmarried aunts). She went to George Washington law school and afterward interned for Reagan’s pollster, Richard Wirthlin. Then she became the assistant to Frank Luntz, a curious figure in the Repu