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ence community’s unambiguous assessment of Edward Snowden as a betrayer of national secrets rather than a w
their horror of Donald Trump. Much of the left—which had resoundingly and scathingly rejected the intelligence community’s unambiguous assessment of Edward Snowden as a betrayer of national secrets rather than a well-intentioned whistle-blower—now suddenly embraced the intelligence community’s authority in its s
ot from media or tech companies, with their liberal bent, but from old-line, when-America-was-great enterprises. They included Mary Barra, the CEO of General Motors; Ginni Rometty of IBM; Jack Welch, the former CEO of GE; Jim McNerney, the former CEO of Boeing; and Indra Nooyi of PepsiCo. If the new right had ele
entation of more sophisticated secu- rity procedures, such as the polygraph examination and extensive background checks. In 1995, eleven years before Snowden joined it, the CIA’s inspector general completed a study of the KGB’s use of false defectors to mislead the U.S. government from the end of the Cold
sses of a nation’s potential adversaries. The most impor- tant of these in peacetime is communication intercepts. It was just such state secrets that Edward Snowden took from the NSA in the spring of 2013. Before that breach, America’s paramount advantage in this subterranean competition was its undisputed domina
low probability of a security risk. In the private sector, there is usually an unambiguous external measure of failure. An automobile company such as General Motors can measure the per- formance of its executives by reckoning its change in net income. With secret intelligence work, the metrics for failure are far
101 Even though Snowden had greatly exaggerated the positions he held with the CIA and DIA, no effort was made to check them by the team of journalists. Instead, MacAskill w
t does those sorts of things.” He had succeeded in defining himself for the public. The Guardian story accompanying the video carried the headline, “EDWARD SNOWDEN: THE WHISTLE BLOWER BEHIND THE NSA SURVEILLANCE REVELATIONS.” Snowden’s identity as a whistle-blower was now established in the media. Overnight, Sno
o quality control. In the private sector, there is usually an unambiguous external measure of failure. For example, for an automobile company such as General Motors can measure the performance of its executive by reckoning it change in net income. With secret intelligence work, the metrics for failure are far les
70 Slate, 98-99 Slovenia, 15 Smith, Justin, 78 Snowden, Edward, 42, 95 Soros, George, 178 Special Opera
7 Gaddafi, Muammar, 270 Gamergate, 59 Gawker, 308 Gaza, 6 Gazprom, 101 Geffen, David, 12, 178 General Electric (GE), 88 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020126 General Motors, 88 Georgia (post-Soviet), 226 Gingrich, Newt, 177 Giuliani, Rudy, 16, 30, 86-87, 210, 242, 279 Glover, Juleanna, 78 Glover Park Group, 203 Gold
Entities connected to both Edward Snowden and General Motors

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Department of Justice
ORGANIZATION
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
George Mitchell
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
Stephen Hawking
PERSON
Julie K. Brown
PERSON
Prince Andrew
PERSON
Joe Biden
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
Prince Charles
PERSON
Bloomberg L.P.
ORGANIZATION
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Ghislaine Maxwell
PERSON
Mitch McConnell
PERSON