Epstein Secrets

rab world was given up. The autocracies had survived the brief moment of American assertiveness. And soon, a new standard-bearer of American power, Barack Obama, came with a reassuring message: the United States was done with change; it would make its peace with the status quo, renewing its partnership wit

ut the greater Middle East would be left to its Furies. When a revolt erupted in Iran against the theocrats in the first summer of his presidency, Obama was caught flatfooted by the turmoil. Determined to conciliate the rulers, he could not find the language to speak to the rebels. Meanwhile, the Sy

he last State of the Union address, we applauded President Obama for challenging the Republicans' blame-governmen

d soon, a new standard-bearer of American power, Barack Obama, came with a reassuring message: the Unite

zi summoned his fellows to a new history, and across the region, millions have heeded his call. Last June, the Algerian author Boualem Sansal wrote Bouazizi an open letter. "Dear Brother," it said, I write these few lines to let you know we're doing well, on the whole, though it varies from day to day:

ating former senator George Mitchell's departure as envoy. The new Palestinian configuration further hamstrings our position. A speech by President Obama this Thursday, focusing on the Mideast writ large, with a possible mention of U.S. principles to end the conflict, is far less preferable than subs

nd Jewish ethics alike. Once upon a time, when the Arabs were hapless and America was omnipotent, Israel could get away with that. Not anymore. If Barack Obama cannot get Benjamin Netanyahu to endorse—and work toward—a Palestinian state near 1967 lines, events will pass them both by. Others will take the i

ion further hamstrings our position. A speech by President Obama this Thursday, focusing on the Mideast writ larg

Israel could get away with that. Not anymore. If Barack Obama cannot get Benjamin Netanyahu to endorse—a

there was enough tension and discontent within the country—and in particular with Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali— that had it not been for the unfortunate Bouazizi, some other incident might well have caused the overthrow of the regime. Next, for a revolution to succeed, it needs a revolutionary movement capa

l of the Ivy League except Princeton. Last year, President Obama convened the first White House task force on col

he institutions involved, which include many of the nation's elite campuses, including all of the Ivy League except Princeton. Last year, President Obama convened the first White House task force on college sexual assault, part of a growing demand for colleges to acknowledge, measure and address the

ing a ski-instructor, amateur boxer, bar-bouncer, disc jockey and school teacher. So for all of you Canadian friends of mine who use to tell me that Barrack Obama's resume was too thin for an American President, I can't imagine what you think about your new Canadian Prime Minister. Trudeau first met his wife S

in protest at the confiscation of his wares and the humiliation inflicted on him by a municipal official. Anger and violence intensified following Bouazizi's death on 4 January 2011, ultimately leading to President Ben Ali stepping down on 14 January 2011, after 23 years in power. It was this and other

thin weeks, millions were on the streets in Egypt and Hosni Mubarak was gone, shown the door in part by his longtime backer, the U.S. government. The Obama administration was captivated by this spontaneous outbreak of democratic demands and at first welcomed it with few reservations. In Riyadh, Saudi off

the Saudis were concerned. And earlier this year, President Obama declined a personal appeal from the king to withh

nt goals of any sort there. The United States was primarily interested in stability. Despite brave speeches on democracy by both Condeleezza Rice and Barack Obama in Cairo, the United States actually pulled its punches in pushing serious democratic reform on Egypt, particularly after the Hamas electoral victory