Epstein Secrets

sm in the region in general and toward the United States in particular, given its historical support for the Jewish state. In contrast to predecessor George W. Bush, Obama wanted to demonstrate to Arab governments that the United States would make demands of Israel in pursuit of a regional peace agreement. I

pitalism after the oil shocks and stagflation of the 1970s. America's success in the 1980s contributed both to the end of the Cold War, by persuading the Soviet Union it could not keep up, and to two decades of exceptional global growth. The new U.S. international economic strategy should have five parts. First, th

sm in the region in general and toward the United States in particular, given its historical support for the Jewish state. In contrast to predecessor George W. Bush, Obama wanted to demonstrate to Arab governments that the United States would make demands of Israel in pursuit of a regional peace agreement. I

pitalism after the oil shocks and stagflation of the 1970s. America's success in the 1980s contributed both to the end of the Cold War, by persuading the Soviet Union it could not keep up, and to two decades of exceptional global growth. The new U.S. international economic strategy should have five parts. First, th

flict also needs to be seen in the context of a generation-long experiment with liberal interventionism. That era began in 1991, when the collapse of the Soviet Union left the US as the world's sole superpower and a swift victory in the first Gulf war restored confidence in the power and effectiveness of American m

ign policy is befuddled and bemused. None of the experts look particularly smart at the moment. The realists' who counseled President Obama to forget George W. Bush's support of Middle Eastern democracy and cultivate our relations with regional despots like Hosni Mubarak, the Iranian mullahs and the younger A