Epstein Secrets

accept the two-state solution, with an Israeli and Palestinian state, they know that Abbas did not deviate much from the principles that began with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)'s `Ten Point Program' or the `Phased Plan' in the mid-seventies, which culminated in the Madrid Conference of 1991 and then the Oslo Accords

Conflagration in the Middle East The Greater Middle East has not been more dangerous since the darkest days of the Cold War. Today instability from Tunisia to Pakistan means there's a real possibility of crises spreading rapidly -- and connecting up with each other. Syria, already now a proxy conflict

hat makes little sense to anyone other than Hamas operatives; or to rejoin and reconfigure Palestinian national institutions EFTA00719584 such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, to continue the struggle nationally and regionally. This raises the third level of analysis of Hamas' decision, which relates to the condition of

tion. And so what we're trying to do - - and the secretary of state just came back from helping to lead the Friends EFTA00719571 of Syria group in Tunisia -- is to try to come up with a series of strategies that can provide humanitarian relief. But they can also accelerate a transition to a peaceful a

ent that exercises authority in the West Bank, is committed to the Quartet principles and the Arab Peace Initiative and respects the commitments of the Palestine Liberation Organization. • Call for both states to engage in good faith negotiations on the basis of this and previous relevant resolutions and agreements in order to res

e through offspring: sons who had not risen through the military or other bureaucracies, and thus had no legitimacy. Marcus Aurelius was one thing; Tunisia's Zine el- Abidine Ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Syria's Bashar al- Assad, quite another. Certainly, the Arab Spring has proved much: that ther

inian statelet that makes litt=e sense to anyone other than Hamas operatives; or to rejoin and reconfigure Palestinian national institutions=such as the Palestine Liberation Organization, to continue the struggle na=ionally and regionally. This raises the thi=d level of analysis of Hamas' decision, which relates to the condition o=

N mandates or action. And so what we're trying to do -- and the s=cretary of state just came back from helping to lead the Friends of Syria =roup in Tunisia -- is to try to come up with a series of strategies that can provide humanitarian relief. =ut they can also accelerate a transition to a peaceful an

is latest signed document may face the same fate. The rival movements have to negotiate the terms of complex power sharing and the restructuring of the Palestine Liberation Organization, from which Hamas has been excluded. It remained unclear how some of the Hamas leaders in Gaza, who are destined to lose their jobs in the new arr

lsewhere in the region are seen by some to be experiencing. "The Arab awakening is witnessing the rise of a reformist political Islam in Egypt and Tunisia, and I believe we will see that Hamas is no exception," asserted Mandi Abdul Hadi, chairman of Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of Intern

r prisoner in Israel who also hails from the West Bank. EFTA00711879 A second, and more intriguing, option: Meshaal could seek the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization as a first step toward melding Fatah with Hamas to create a new united Palestinian movement. With its chief Mahmoud Abbas anxious to throw in the t

reached the Palestinians. Protests against the rival authorities in Gaza and the West Bank haven't become the kind of full-scale revolts that hit Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Yemen and Syria. But there is a growing sense that the leaderships of both Fatah (in charge in the West Bank) and Hamas (which contr

lestine PLC Palestinian Legislative Council PLO Palestine Liberation Organization SLA South Lebanon Army TIPH Temporary Internati

FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi About the Editors xv NUR LAIQ Nur Laiq is the author of Talking to Arab Youth: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Egypt and Tunisia. Nur focuses on the transitions in the Middle East and North Africa, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and issues related to US foreign policy. She h

e refused to say exactly what a U.N. membership application or General Assembly resolution might say. Palestinian negotiator Saeb Erekat, a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization's executive committee, discussed with The Times what Palestinians are planning and why he thinks the U.N. bid, if unsuccessful, could spell the end of

ated from Moammar Gadhafi's autocratic rule. Tensions in Syria, meanwhile, have already claimed more civilian lives than the revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia combined, and yet the Arab League is holding back. Why are you going easy on the Syrian regime? Elaraby: Syria isn't Libya. Libya has always been la

nment that exercises authority in the West Bank, is committed to the Quartet principles and the Arab Peace Initiative and respects the commitments of the Palestine Liberation Organization. • Call for both states to engage in good faith negotiations on the basis of this and previous relevant resolutions and agreements in order to resolv

ule through offspring: sons who had not risen through the military or other bureaucracies, and thus had no legitimacy. Marcus Aurelius was one thing; Tunisia's Zine el- Abidine Ben Ali, Egypt's Hosni Mubarak and Syria's Bashar al- Assad, quite another. Certainly, the Arab Spring has proved much: that there