Epstein Secrets

qi exiles who told President George W. Bush that divisions among country's Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish communities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberately downplayed the salience of these ethno-sectarian identities. Moreover, reassuring statements made to Wes

h communities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberate

nities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberately downp

be able to retain power over the entire country. Unfortunately, that leaves us with the pessimistic assessment of the Council on Foreign Relations' Ed Husain, who argued that "regime change in Syria would be bloody and protracted." EFTA00660759 The worry here is that, as the country's majority Sunni po

i exiles who told President George W. Bush that divisions among country's Sunni, Shiite and Kurdish communities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberately downplayed the salience of these ethno-sectarian identities. Moreover, reassuring statements made to We

h communities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberate

nities could be easily overcome in a post-Saddam Hussein Iraq either underestimated or deliberately downp

be able to retain power over the entire country. Unfortunately, that leaves us with the pessimistic assessment of the Council on Foreign Relations' Ed Husain, who argued that "regime change in Syria would be bloody and protracted." The worry here is that, as the country's majority Sunni population takes

n a telephone interview. But even more present in the minds of today's Iranians, according to Mousavian, was Washington's bias in the 1980s toward Saddam Hussein's Iraq after it invaded Iran. Mousavian said that some 300,000 Iranians were killed or injured in the eight years of war that ensued and that U.S. p

been more successful than that of many other former parts of the Eastern Bloc. This "constitutional moment" was lost in Iraq after the toppling of Saddam and in Afghanistan after the toppling of the Taliban in part because of heavy-handed American drives to shape the constitutions in ways that the U.

was Washington's bias in the 1980s toward Saddam Hussein's Iraq after it invaded Iran. Mousavian said tha

cratic process. They mainly seek to use it to enact laws that will make their literalist interpretation of Islam and Sharia the law of the land. As Ed Husain, a Senior Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, put it: "Egypt's Salafis are trying to create the caliphate via the ballot box." Kristof sugg

hael Tomasky Article 2. Stratfor Israeli-Arab Crisis Approaching George Friedman Article 3 The Financial Times Why Assad need not fear Gaddafi's fate Ed Husain Article 4. The Christian Science Monitor Libya endgame: Lessons for Syria's protesters Bilal Y. Saab Article 5 Foreign Policy Assad's Chemical Romanc

06. But a simple, strictly Middle East research will give you one million deaths in the all-Muslim Iran-Iraq war; 300,000 Muslim minorities killed by Saddam Hussein; 80,000 Iranians killed during the Islamic revolution; 25,000 deaths in 1970-71, the days of Black September, by the Jordanian government in its figh

-Israeli conflict. In another calculation ignoring "small" massacres like the one that goes on in Syria and other deaths during the Arab Spring, only Saddam's Iraq, Jordan, the elder al-Assad's Syria, Iran-Iraq war, the bin Laden campaign in Iraq, the Iranian Islamic revolution and the Turkish-Kurdish con

q war; 300,000 Muslim minorities killed by Saddam Hussein; 80,000 Iranians killed during the Islamic revolu