Epstein Secrets

the Tuwaitha complex in Iraq. Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Defense Minister Ariel Sharon saw the reactor as central to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's quest to build nuclear weapons, and they believed that it posed an existential threat to Israel. The timing of the strike was justified by intelli

nts and warnings of military action. For Israelis considering a strike on Iran, Osirak seems like a model for effective preventive war. After all, Hussein never got the bomb, and if Israel was able to brush back one enemy hell-bent on its destruction, it can do so again. But a closer look at the Osira

on saw the reactor as central to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's quest to build nuclear weapons, and th

ity to sustain a large-scale bombing campaign, an Israeli assault would probably be a one-off strike with more limited effects. No wonder that Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, recently told CNN that an Israeli attack would set the program back only "a couple of years" and "

vent the kind of chaos that followed the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and EFTA00678416 Moammar Gadda

e kind of chaos that followed the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and EFTA00678416 Moammar Gaddafi in Li

f the regime falls; working with reconcilable elements of the Syrian army to maintain order and prevent the kind of chaos that followed the fall of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and EFTA00678416 Moammar Gaddafi in Libya; and preventing the future use of chemical weapons by the Assad regime in a desperate last stan

ns have about President Obama's plans for missile strikes. Some answers from Secretary of State John Kerry, Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel and Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, about the plans were clear. In other instances, the answers were muddled; in still others, incomplete.

onomic sanctions have "kicked in" strongly enough to produce the desired result—until now. Sanctions against the regimes led by Slobodan Milosevic, Saddam Hussein and Bashar al-Assad produced scarcity and hardship for the poorest of their citizens but enriched the leadership circle, who exacted higher rents o

s against the regimes led by Slobodan Milosevic, Saddam Hussein and Bashar al-Assad produced scarcity and

st the regimes led by Slobodan Milosevic, Saddam Hussein and Bashar al-Assad produced scarcity and hardsh

all of the tools of American power" in a whole-of- government operation. The President also ignored the counsel of his top military advisor, General Martin Dempsey, who had publicly cautioned that in Syria "you need a strategy to tie military options with other instruments of power." It is a rare spectacle to

But Israel also has a short-term objective — and that is to play for time. Israel notes that its 1981 bombing of a nuclear reactor in Iraq set back Saddam Hussein's program — and did not result in some sort of massive retaliation. Something similar happened with the 2007 bombing of a Syrian installation. Neithe

e modest number of outside ground troops. They could be partly modeled on the protection we afforded Kurds in Iraq throughout the 1990s, even while Saddam was still in power. Alas, this task would be harder here. There is no natural geographic or demographic logic to any particular possible safe zone

ing of a nuclear reactor in Iraq set back Saddam Hussein's program — and did not result in some sort of ma

of the Maybe the Dog Will Talk Doctrine or do not recognize its importance. (It was cited to me by an Israeli official.) Both Barack Obama and Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, have characterized any Israeli attempt to disrupt Iran's nuclear program as a short-term affair. An Isra

ions of = military strike are not widely discussed. This ominously echoes the run up to the war in Iraq.ap> When Washington was preparing t= invade Saddam Hussein's Iraq, little consideration was given to what ca=e next. Ten years later, the mistakes are evident. Iraq did not pose the immediate security threat t

Iraq.ap> When Washington was preparing t= invade Saddam Hussein's Iraq, little consideration was given to

> When Washington was preparing t= invade Saddam Hussein's Iraq, little consideration was given to what ca

tary of State Hilla=y Rodham Clinton, Defense Secretary Leon Panetta, CIA Director David Petraeusand the chairman of the Joint Chi=fs of Staff, Gen. Martin Dempsey. But the president overrode them, his cau=ion of no help in a conflict of such virulence. Under the gaze of the world, Obama in=tead =font face="Ti

the Tuwaitha complex in Iraq. Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and Defense Minister Arid Sharon saw the reactor as central to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's quest to build nuclear weapons, and they believed that it posed an existential threat to Israel. The timing of the strike was justified by intellig

ents and warnings of military action. For Israelis considering a strike on Iran, Osirak seems like a model for effective preventive war. After all, Hussein never got the bomb, and if Israel was able to brush back one enemy hell- bent on its destruction, it can do so again. But a closer look at the Osir

on saw the reactor as central to Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's quest to build nuclear weapons, and th

ty to sustain a large-scale bombing campaign, an Israeli assault would probably be a one- off strike with more limited effects. No wonder that Gen. Martin Dempsey, the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, recently told CNN that an Israeli attack would set the program back only "a couple of years" and

ess" and musing aloud: "You could even go back ten years and say, you know what, it might have been a =ittle more stable when we had that awful guy [Saddam) Hussein, who hated t=e Iranians." Democrats, such as =enator Dianne Feinstein of California, content themselves with denouncing =epublicans for fa

musing aloud: "You could even go back ten years and say, you know what, it might have been a =ittle more stable when we had that awful guy [Saddam) Hussein, who hated t=e Iranians." Democrats, such as =enator Dianne Feinstein of California, content themselves with denouncing =epublicans for failing to

st the Shiite government in Iran. From the beginning,=this has been the irreparable flaw in the American strategy to topple the =raqi government of Saddam Hussein. Saddam was a brutal and murderous dicta=or, but as a secular Sunni who ruled with an iron, bloody fist, he was able to crush the fundamentalist thr

his top national secur=ty officials at that time, including Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, CIA Director David Petraeus, Joint Chi=fs Chairman Martin Dempsey, and Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta. His las=-minute decision in August 2013 not to strike Syria after its use of chemi=al weapons was popular in

Association notes that, "Even after crushing Iraq in the first Gulf War, the international coalition only imposed a 150-kilometer range ceiling on Saddam's ballistic missiles. A demand to eliminate all ballistic missiles would be unprecedented in the modern era-- removing any doubt among Iranians that

y intervention. Syria is not Libya, the mantra goes, especially in Washington. The provision of arms to the Syrian opposition is "premature," Gen. Martin Dempsey, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, EFTA_R1_00484972 EFTA01991835 recently stated. We don't know the Syrian opposition, another alibi has it