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quickly loses its appeal when one is dealing with dictators who are less noxious. And even when they are not less noxious, as in the case of Iraq's Saddam Hussein, the moral argument for their removal is still fraught with difficulty since the worse the autocrat, the worse the chaos left in his wake. That is
y are not less noxious, as in the case of Iraq's Saddam Hussein, the moral argument for their removal is
ot less noxious, as in the case of Iraq's Saddam Hussein, the moral argument for their removal is still f
e championed women's rights, the environment, the large- scale building of schools and other progressive causes. Qaboos, in particular, is sort of a Renaissance man who plays the lute and loves Western classical music, and who—at least until the celebrations in 2010 marking forty years of his rule-eschewed
brothers have done a heckuva job there and their dad would be very proud of his boys. I guess it wasn't until we first started dropping bombs on Saddam in 1991 that I got incrementally more bearish on the world. While I was decent at finding longs, I haven't been overly enthused in names on the
ategies and were more profitable than Medallion's internal cash management strategies. It made sense. Meritage was also directly investible for Renaissance employees, and so it was also a way for people to diversify their own capital. For context. Medallion closed to outside investors in 1993 and st
candidate focusing on Iranian policy toward post-Saddam Iraq at the University of London's School of Orie
t our different outcomes has shaped my career. I earned a doctorate in literature in 1963 and joined the faculty of the University of Iowa to teach Renaissance literature. At the time, I was the first woman the university's English department had ever hired into a tenure-track position, and so I was carefu
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