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Bedminster continuing to threaten North Korea— and also, inexplicably to almost everyone on his staff, threatening military intervention in Venezuela—Spencer called for an evening protest. At 8:45 p.m.—with the president in for the night in Bedminster—about 250 young men dressed in khaki pants and polo sh
USE_OVERSIGHT_020114 president’s part. The daily discussion among senior staffers, those still there and those now gone—all of whom had written off Tillerson’s future in the Trump administration—was how long General Kelly would last as chief of staff. There was something of a virtual office pool, and the j
believed that the sole upside of being part of the Trump White House was to help prevent worse from happening. In early October, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson’s fate was sealed—if his obvious ambivalence toward the president had not already sealed it—by the revelation that he had called the president “a fucki
ge Bannon’s ouster by McMaster’s hand from the NSC. With the president promising that he would make up his mind by August, and McMaster, Mattis, and Tillerson pressing for a decision as soon as possible, Bannon- inspired media began a campaign to brand McMaster as a globalist, interventionist, and all aroun
Trump presidency as a personal victory, was organizing his trip to CPAC, which would be as much a victory march for him as it was for the Trump team. Spencer—who, in 2016, he had declared, “Let’s party like it’s 1933,” as in the year Hitler came to power—provoked an outcry with his widely covered “Heil Tru
ought up the possibility of firing everybody. Should I fire Bannon? Should I fire Reince? Should I fire McMaster? Should I fire Spicer? Should I fire Tillerson? This ritual was, everyone understood, more a pretext to a discussion of the power he held than it was, strictly, about personnel decisions. Still, i
dy with foreign policy stature and an international network had been put in HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020053 place—even the new secretary of state designate, Rex Tillerson, had no real experience in foreign policy. To bewildered foreign secretaries, it seemed logical to see the presidentelect’s son-in-law as a figure of
TA00047130 messy circumstances surrounaing spencer s exit snouia not overshadow another damning resignation letter from another Trump appointee. Spencer explained that he has strived over two-plus years on the job to ensure judicial proceedings are "fair, transparent and consistent," from ensigns to
appointees who have spoken critically, to varying degrees, about the president after leaving his employ. This includes, among others, John Bolton, Rex Tillerson, John Kelly, Tom Bossert, Fiona Hill and Gary Cohn. -- Spencer took the sting out of this punch by vigorously denying well-sourced press reports on
ichard V. Spencer's Sunday letter to President Trump, acknowledging his "termination" as secretary of the navy. The messy circumstances surrounding Spencer's exit should not overshadow another damning resignation letter from another Trump appointee. Spencer explained that he has strived over two-plus y
appointees who have spoken critically, to varying degrees, about the president after leaving his employ. This includes, among others, John Bolton, Rex Tillerson, John Kelly, Tom Bossert, Fiona Hill and Gary Cohn. -- Spencer took the sting out of this punch by vigorously denying well-sourced press reports o
Entities connected to both Spencer and Rex Tillerson

Jeffrey Epstein
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Donald Trump
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George W. Bush
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Joe Biden
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Prince Andrew
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