Epstein Secrets

avor, and is a preferred exchange currency for problem cash—money laundering. Trump’s son-in- law Jared Kushner, Jared’s father Charlie, Trump’s sons Don Jr. and Eric, and his daughter Ivanka, as well as Trump himself, all supported their business enterprises to a greater or lesser extent working in the du

ress secretary, Sean Spicer— whose personal mantra would shortly become “You can’t make this shit up’—to argue his case in a media moment that turned Spicer, quite a buttoned-down political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot

l they couldn’t control: the Republican National Committee, which was run by Priebus, his sidekick, thirty-two-year-old Katie Walsh, and their flack, Sean Spicer. Instead of being all in, the RNC, ultimately the tool of the Republican establishment, had been hedging its bets ever since Trump won the nomination

political professional, HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019919 into a national joke, which he seemed destined to never recover from. To boot, the president blamed Spicer for not making the million phantom souls seem real. It was the first presidential instance of what the campaign regulars had learned over many month

s's statement last week that the sit-down was a "nothing burger." If that's true, why didn't the White House reveal the meeting months ago? Why did Donald Trump Jr. go on television six weeks after the June 2016 meeting and say that allegations of Russian support for Trump's campaign were "phony" and "disgusting

uting nonsense about those contacts. This week in Paris, Trump answered a reporter's question for the first time since the New York Times revealed Donald Trump Jr.'s meeting with a Russian attorney peddling dirt on Hillary Clinton. He said the meeting was one that "everybody" in politics would have held. That's c

ision six weeks after the June 2016 meeting and say that allegations of Russian support for Trump's campaign were "phony" and "disgusting"? Why did Trump Jr. and Trump's top aide and son-in-law, Jared Kushner (who also attended the meeting), let the president and White House aides consistently deny that t

a claim that was easily disproved by looking at two pictures of the crowds. Shortly after, White House adviser Kellyanne Conway infamously defended Spicer by arguing that the administration was merely offering "alternative facts." This is not how the presidency normally works. It's normal, if unfortun

0 summit Hamburg, Germany, on July 7 and 8. Jared and Ivanka accompanied the president on the trip, and while at the summit they learned that word of Don Jr.’s meeting with the Russians—and the couple kept pointedly presenting it as Don Jr.’s meeting—had leaked. Worse, they learned that the story was about t

nal into a joke figure standing at the White House door. In his daily out-of-body experience, as a witness to his own humiliation and loss for words, Spicer understood after a while—although he began to understand this beginning his first day on the job when dealing with the dispute about the inaugural au

he also wanted it because again and again the response surprised him—and, as though every time was the first time, he could not modify his behavior. Sean Spicer caught the brunt of the daily drama, turning this otherwise reasonable, mild-mannered, process-oriented professional into a joke figure standing at t

e House—Jared, Ivanka, Hope Hicks, and an increasingly ambivalent Dina Powell and Gary Cohn on one side, and almost everyone else, including Priebus, Spicer, Conway, and most clearly Bannon, on the other—were most distinguished by their culpability in or distance from the Comey-Mueller calamity. It was, a