Epstein Secrets

Ehud Barak speech, Nov 28, 2016, at the book launch of "At Crucial Junctures" by Shlomo Gazit "At Crucial Junctures" is a particularly unique book. It is Shlo

Ehud Barak speech, Nov 28, 2016, at the book launch of "At

Ehud Barak speech, Nov 28, 2016, at the book launch of

ved into the actions of David Ben-Gurion. They are the heirs of Zionism at its best. The Zionism that is expressed in Jabotinsky's "Iron Wall" and Ben-Gurion's musings on Israel's "strength and righteousness," in the Declaration of Independence and the morals of the Prophets—the Widow, the Orphan, and the

nk the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,] feel a profound, historic obligation not

ltation and intelligence coordination around that question, Israel feels more vulnerable. And I think the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,] feel a profound, historic obligation not to put Israel in a position where it cannot act decisively and unilaterally to protect the state of Isra

on if Israel wants to maintain its democratic character. Peres recently co-wrote a book with Landau about his mentor, Ben-Gurion. It concludes that Ben-Gurion's greatest decision was accepting the United Nations partition plan, which gave Israel a state but much less territory than it sought. The book is a

ltation and inte=ligence coordination around that question, Israel feels more vulnerable. A=d I think the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,J feel = profound, historic obligation not to put Israel in a position where it cannot act decisively and unilate=ally to protect the state of Israe

nk the prime minister and the defense minister, [Ehud Barak,J feel = profound, historic obligation not

ion if Israel wants to maintain its democratic character. Peres recen=ly co-wrote a book with Landau about his mentor, Ben-Gurion. It concludes =hat Ben-Gurion's greatest decision was accepting the United Nations partition plan, which gave Israel a state=but much less territory than it sought. The book is a h

time attack after all. Talking to Dado and me, he said: "Since we're going to such lengths to deceive them, why not just add another layer? Why can't Ehud's people take the role of the airport mechanics?" Looking at each other, Dado and I realized it was a stroke of brilliance. Dado went to share the pl

that before I'd left for Stanford, 146 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027994 they even insisted I change my name. I was no longer Ehud Brog. I'd Hebraicized it: to Barak, which seemed near enough to the original. Among the few dozen outside the unit who did know about my role, however, were paratroopers who'd joined u

aculty at Hebrew University. He was convinced, perhaps with some reason, that his outspoken advocacy for Jabotinsky's Zionism in a country defined by Ben-Gurion's had frozen him out. He left to pursue his academic career in America, where both Yoni and Bibi spent much of their youth. He always remained bitter a

/ BARAK / 15 By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet

ed his no-confidence resolution, he came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote, but about what would come after. "Ehud, I'm sure we can topple the government," he told me. "But only you know whether we're ready - whether you're ready - to defeat Bibi in an election."

with no first-hand army experience, did at least have the political experience in war that none of Olmert's other ministers could offer. He'd been by Ben-Gurion's side during the 1956 war, had been in Golda's government in 1967, and was Defense Minister after the 1973 war, through Entebbe, until Begin's defeate