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ted Nations, the most difficult part of any such operation might well be winning international approval. That EFTA00712618 did not stop President Clinton from intervening in Kosovo, and it need not stop it in Syria, particularly if we can win the backing of NATO and the Arab League. Max Boot is a co
ivil war is now destined to go on for years, whether the outside world intervenes or not. James P Rubin was assistant secretary of state during the Bill Clinton administration. Ankle 4. Asia Times An unwelcome turn in the Arab Spring? Brian M Downing Jun 5, 2012 -- The remarkable uprisings across the Ar
ional approval. That EFTA00712618 did not stop President Clinton from intervening in Kosovo, and it need not stop
ng with their German allies, however, Israeli politicians used language that hardly concealed the truth. When the legendary former Defense Minister Moshe Dayan visited Bonn in the fall of 1977, he told then Chancellor Helmut Schmidt about neighboring Egypt's fear "that Israel might use nuclear weapons." Da
me during this critical stage of Israel’s history, had guided me from the moment I became Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the White House and moving on to Camp David — I had mapped out at great length, in great detail, every
ut with guns and explosives — would be only a matter of time. I knew something else as well. This would be a moment of truth not just for me. Or for Bill Clinton, a man who understood our conflict more deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of tr
Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the
01. It was led by a 25-year-old named Ariel Sharon, who had been a platoon commander in 1948. With Ben-Gurion and especially his army chief-of-staff, Moshe Dayan, determined to hit back hard at the fedayeen attacks, Sharon took a few dozen hand-picked soldiers and began mounting a different kind of retaliatory
central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced. I’m much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had deliberatel
ut international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill Clinton. He’d met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally more comfortable deali
ld go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader.
for the lessons to be learned from the intifada, my view that we needed a political dialogue had inadvertently become public, from remarks I made in Moshe Dayan’s honor at a memorial event a few months before becoming chief of staff. “We are currently in a struggle with the Palestinians — a long, bitter and c
me during this critical stage of Israel’s history, had guided me from the moment I became Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the White House and moving on to Camp David — I had mapped out at great length, in great detail, every
ut with guns and explosives — would be only a matter of time. I knew something else as well. This would be a moment of truth not just for me. Or for Bill Clinton, a man who understood our conflict more deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of tr
Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the
01. It was led by a 25-year-old named Ariel Sharon, who had been a platoon commander in 1948. With Ben-Gurion and especially his army chief-of-staff, Moshe Dayan, determined to hit back hard at the fedayeen attacks, Sharon took a few dozen hand-picked soldiers and began mounting a different kind of retaliatory
ence of the usual heightened scrutiny of the political wife's hair and clothes, profession and cookie recipe. It was only 20 years ago that, during Bill Clinton's first presidential campaign, his wife Hillary's career — that is, the fact that she had one of her own — sparked wild and vituperative debate. Ther
ize the reins of national power will be with women of their own generation, who are likely to have plenty to do on their own trajectory. We do have Clinton (as fraught and self-involved as her journey around these issues was) and Cherie Blair to thank for clearing away the cultural detritus. In a way,
961. The last discussion for which there is evidence took place in 1977, when then-Chancellor Helmut Schmidt spoke to then-Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan about the issue. The submarines are built by the German shipyard HDW in Kiel. Three submarines have already been delivered to Israel, and three mor
Entities connected to both Bill Clinton and Moshe Dayan

Prince Andrew
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Barack Obama
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Marc Rich
PERSONLeon Black
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
John F. Kennedy
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Stephen Hawking
PERSONDoug Band
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Michael Cohen
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Harvey Weinstein
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Ehud Barak
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Samantha Power
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Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSONCourtney Wild
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Ronald Reagan
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Lebanon
LOCATION
Middle East
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Bashar al-Assad
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