Epstein Secrets

me during this critical stage of Israel’s history, had guided me from the moment I became Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the White House and moving on to Camp David — I had mapped out at great length, in great detail, every

ut with guns and explosives — would be only a matter of time. I knew something else as well. This would be a moment of truth not just for me. Or for Bill Clinton, a man who understood our conflict more deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of tr

Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the

t of Tel Aviv. Rabin had a very low table in his office, with two chairs. We would sit across from each other, each with a ready supply of coffee and Yitzhak smoking an apparently endless supply of cigarettes, and we would just talk. Politics. Strategy. Israel. The PLO. The surrounding Arab states. And the

central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced. I’m much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had deliberatel

ut international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill Clinton. He’d met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally more comfortable deali

ld go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader.

questions and outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel, Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek

me during this critical stage of Israel’s history, had guided me from the moment I became Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the White House and moving on to Camp David — I had mapped out at great length, in great detail, every

ut with guns and explosives — would be only a matter of time. I knew something else as well. This would be a moment of truth not just for me. Or for Bill Clinton, a man who understood our conflict more deeply, and was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It was a moment of tr

Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with President Clinton a year earlier — a long weekend, beginning at the

t of Tel Aviv. Rabin had a very low table in his office, with two chairs. We would sit across from each other, each with a ready supply of coffee and Yitzhak smoking an apparently endless supply of cigarettes, and we would just talk. Politics. Strategy. Israel. The PLO. The surrounding Arab states. And the

central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced. I'm much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had deliberatel

ut international politics. I remember one afternoon in the summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill Clinton. He'd met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally more comfortable deali

ld go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton than between any previous Israeli and US leader.

questions and outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel, Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek

ut he was unquestionably committed to America’s alliance with Israel. I had dealt face-to-face with four US presidents: both of the Bushes, President Clinton and now President Obama. In terms of Israeli security, none had proved as consistently supportive and helpful as Obama. And yes, Israel did face an a

face with four US presidents: both of the Bushes, President Clinton and now President Obama. In terms of Israeli secu

ber of suggestions Israel could make, with no domestic political risk but with every prospect of improving the atmosphere and accelerating progress. “Yitzhak is one of Israel’s top lawyers,” I said. “He’s struck dozens of deals in his life. But he strikes a deal when that’s what his client wants. You are t

ut he was unquestionably committed to America's alliance with Israel. I had dealt face-to-face with four US presidents: both of the Bushes, President Clinton and now President Obama. In terms of Israeli security, none had proved as consistently supportive and helpful as Obama. And yes, Israel did face an a

face with four US presidents: both of the Bushes, President Clinton and now President Obama. In terms of Israeli secu

ber of suggestions Israel could make, with no domestic political risk but with every prospect of improving the atmosphere and accelerating progress. "Yitzhak is one of Israel's top lawyers," I said. "He's struck dozens of deals in his life. But he strikes a deal when that's what his client wants. You are t

tic challenge is far greater. Israel is a sovereign state. On more than one occasion, I told President Obama, and before that Presidents Bush and Clinton, the following: "On issues that we believe are essential to EFTA00683720 the security and future of Israel and of the Jewish people, Israel will

h the first EFTA00683739 steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared — and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship

ael's security from America and for a demonstration of goadwill by some former Arab enemies. [SEE: Editorial Cartoons on the Middle East] President Clinton led a bipartisan delegation that included the congressional Republican leadership, former President Bush and former Secretary of State George Shultz,

s. [SEE: Editorial Cartoons on the Middle East] President Clinton led a bipartisan delegation that included the con

ountries (excluding Saudi Arabia) and H l [ th ft especially the emotional speech of King Hussein e a one, a e me, of Jordan. His words referring to Yitzhak and e Leah Rabin as “my brother" and "my sister," h d th fi which Muslims usually reserve for one another, a e capaci O and the tears shed by both

lomatic challenge is far greater. Israel is a sovereign state. On more than one occasion, I told President Obama, and before that Presidents Bush and Clinton, the following: "On issues that we believe are essential to the security and future of Israel and of HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028901 --- PAGE BREAK --- the

d later Peres - with the first steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared - and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship. •

a sovereign state. On HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029374 --- PAGE BREAK --- more than one occasion, I told President Obama, and before that Presidents Bush and Clinton, the following: "On issues that we believe are essential to the security and future of Israel and of the Jewish people, Israel will make its decision

d later Peres - with the first steps towards the Palestinians, took huge national, diplomatic, security and political risks. Some paid a heavy price. Yitzhak paid the ultimate price. But they all dared - and acted. This is the true test of leadership. This is also the real test of creative statesmanship. •