Epstein Secrets

ant to repeat the same mistake," said Greg Thielmann, a former State Department intelligence analyst who resigned to protest what he considered the Bush administration's politicization of the prewar Iraq intelligence. "The intelligence community as a whole has better practices now partly because of

new National Intelligence Estimate — the consensus of analysts at the government's 16 intelligence agencies — to the White House to brief President George W. Bush about the report's startling new findings. Officials at the White House, still stung from the criticism on Iraq, quickly realized that they would

es — to the White House to brief President George W. Bush about the report's startling new findings.

tly because of the scar tissue they still have from Iraq," added Mr. Thielmann, now a senior fellow at the Arms Control Association in Washington. Paul Pillar, a former senior C.I.A. analyst on the Middle East, says he believes that analysts are guided by the facts in making their assessments about Iran,

But these days Gates is less worried about political crossfire and more focused on the legacy of his own tenure, which bridged the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. He is determined to define his own legacy as Pentagon boss, and eager to push back against one of the more vocal criticisms of hi

hin the same party. And so I think there is no consensus on a role in the world." In some ways, the first part of his tenure was easier. During the Bush years, money was never an issue. By contrast, Obama faced a harsh economic reality, and Gates tried to get in front of the issue by shrinking the

tenure, which bridged the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. He is determined to defin

hael Noonan. "I don't think [Gates's] accomplishments merit the sky-high reputation that he enjoys as he leaves office," former senior CIA analyst Paul Pillar says. "Gates has long had a knack for nurturing his own reputation." Pillar recalls that Gates during his CIA days was "always saying, 'I'm going

Obama, the superpower does not appear to have much interest in defending the status quo. The post-Soviet settlement immensely benefits the US, but George W Bush undid much of that by fighting an illegal war in Iraq. Other states became less likely to heed international law. Yet Mr Obama's reticence has und

in Iraq. Other states became less likely to heed international law. Yet Mr Obama's reticence has undermined the global order just as surely as Mr Bush's unnecessary war in Iraq did. Not to the same extent, but, gradually, piece by piece, it is being undermined. That is what Abdullah Sword was abou

final word. And since Israel is as likely to stop spying here as it is to give up matzo for Passover, the visa barriers are likely to stay up. As Paul Pillar, the CIA's former national intelligence officer for the Near East and South Asia, told Newsweek, old habits are hard to break: Zionists were dispat

t. But these days Gates is less worried about political crossfire and more focused on the legacy of his own tenure, which bridged the presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. He is determined to define his own legacy as Pentagon boss, and eager to push back against one of the more vocal criticisms of his

ithin the same party. And so I think there is no consensus on a role in the world." In some ways, the first part of his tenure was easier. During the Bush years, money was never an issue. By contrast, Obama faced a harsh economic reality, and Gates tried to get in front of the issue by shrinking the Pen

Michael Noonan. "I don't think [Gates's] accomplishments merit the sky-high reputation that he enjoys as he leaves office," former senior CIA analyst Paul Pillar says. "Gates has long had a knack for nurturing his own reputation." Pillar recalls that Gates during his CIA days was "always saying, 'I'm going to