Epstein Secrets

odesta, occult, pedophiles: A month before election day, the MSM exploded with nonstop coverage of a decade-old audio recording of lewd talk between Donald Trump and Hollywood reporter Billy Bush. However, coverage was virtually nil of Bill and Hillary Clinton's hobnobbing with convicted notorious pedophile J

. However, this practice intensified to an alarming degree during the recent election cycle - and after. Dozens of stories of alleged hate crimes by Trump supporters have been given huge media coverage, only to be later proven to be fabricated (often with the "victim" confessing and being prosecuted f

New American, The May 8, 2017 Monday Long before Donald Trump made the "Fake News" meme synonymous with t

made an inexplicably poor decision when it decided not to prosecute Epstein. "[T]he Government retains 'broad discretion' as to whom to prosecute." Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598, 607, 105 S. Ct. 1524, 84 L. Ed. 2d 547 (1985). The CVRA incorporates this principle, providing that "[n]othing in t

Courts tread lightly where prosecutorial discretion is concerned because "the decision to prosecute is particularly ill-suited to judicial review." Wayte, 470 U.S. at 607; see also 35 Geo. L.J. Ann. Rev. Crim. Proc. 203, 203 n.648 (2006). "Such factors as the strength of the case, the prosecution's g

influential contacts, including William Clinton, Donald Trump, Kevin Spacey, and Alan Dershowitz, and ot

he deal—called a non-prosecution agreement—essentially shut down an ongoing FBI probe . . . .” Julie K. Brown, “Perversion of Justice: How a future Trump cabinet member gave a serial sex abuser the deal of a lifetime,” Miami Herald, Nov. 28, 2018. The NPA, however, was finalized and signed 91

th the beginning of the federal investigation, identified him as a wealthy Palm Beach resident with influential contacts, including William Clinton, Donald Trump, Kevin Spacey, and Alan Dershowitz, and other “prominent businessmen, academics and scientists.”210 Villafaña, Lourie, Sloman, and Acosta learned

icy of prosecuting only those individuals who reported themselves as having failed to register with the Selective Service system. The petitioner in Wayte claimed that the self-reported non-registrants were “vocal” opponents of the registration program who were being punished for the exercise of their

r unless based upon an unjustifiable standard such as race, religion, or other arbitrary classification. Id. These principles were reiterated in Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598 (1985), a case involving the government’s policy of prosecuting only those individuals who reported themselves as ha

ay of April, 2007, at West Palm Beach, Florida. DONALD M. MIDDLEBROOKS UNITED STATES DISTRICT JUDGE cc

ts are [not] competent to undertake" the kind of analysis necessary to assess the "strength of the case" for or against any particular prosecution. Wayte, 470 U.S. at 607; see also United States v. Armstrong, 517 U.S. 456, 465 (1996) (Judicial deference to prosecutors' decisions "rests in part on an a

made an inexplicably poor decision when it decided not to prosecute Epstein. "(T]he Government retains `broad discretion' as to whom to prosecute." Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598, 607 (1985). The CVRA incorporates this principle, providing that Irdothing in this chapter shall be construed to im

e.g., United States v. Armstrong, 517 U.S. 456, 463-66 (1996) (examining the Equal Protection Clause's prohibition on racially- motivated charging); Wayte v. United States, 470 U.S. 598, 608 (1985) (holding due process bars prosecution in retaliation for exercising fundamental rights); Kolender v. Lawso

d explaining how insufficient data limits the effectiveness of reform efforts). On the prospect of reduced federal commitment to this strategy in the Trump administration, see U.S. Attorney Gen., supra note 24; Horwitz et al., supra note 24. 197 See Dripps, supra note 149, at 19 & n.100 (citing five fed