Epstein Secrets

decision came 10 days before Donald Trump had =een sworn in as president, in a conversation with President Barack Obama's na=ional security adviser, Susan Rice, who had explained the Pentagon's plan=to retake the Islamic State's de facto capital of Raqqa with Syrian Kurdish f=rces whom the Pentagon consider

=ere's a sampling: "There wa= no communication between the campaign and any foreign entity during the campaign." =E244, Trump campaign spokeswoman Hope Hicks in November "The campaign had no cont=ct with Russian officials." — Hicks, also in November<=span> "This i= a nonstory because, to the best of our

a second-rate guy,” Bannon said, dismissing the FBI director and the CIA director. “The White House right now is like Johnson’s White House in 1968. Susan Rice”— Obama’s National Security Advisor—“is running the campaign against ISIS as a National Security Advisor. They’re picking the targets, she’s picking

r Stone, was noisily ousted by Lewandowski, and then Trump exponentially increased the public dirty-clothes-washing by suing Nunberg. Lewandowski and Hope Hicks, the PR aide put on the campaign by Ivanka Trump, had an affair that ended in a public fight on the street—an incident cited by Nunberg in his respon

es so as to make it easier to leak, and at the same time to protect the leakers. This intelligence, it was rumored, consisted of spreadsheets kept by Susan Rice that listed the Trump team’s Russian contacts; borrowing a technique from WikiLeaks, the documents were secreted on a dozen servers in different plac

d. It was a turning point. Until now, Trump’s inner circle had been mostly game to defend him. But after the wiretap tweets, everybody, save perhaps Hope Hicks, moved into a state of queasy sheepishness, if not constant incredulity. Sean Spicer, for one, kept repeating his daily, if not hourly, mantra: “You