Epstein Secrets

on-type killings by both sides in recent days, the rebels will also need to be held to their promise that there will be no revenge campaigns against Gaddafi loyalists. Again, Baghdad memories send a chill down the spine: the Iraqi Interior Ministry was used as a cover for Shiite death squads that liquid

world's ninth-largest oil reserves. It is hard not to share in the euphoria, especially in the Arab street, kindled by this week's fall of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. But world leaders would do well to proceed more cautiously than they did in the Afghanistan and Iraq ventures, despite the infectious excitement of

ad been drawn up with help from US, British, Canadian and United Nations experts to "incorporate lessons and best practices from Iraq, Afghanistan, Kosovo and Bosnia". THE REBELS Some analysts believe there are sufficient "losers" and weapons in post-Gaddafi Libya to stand an insurgency. This could b

hing equally hard for military intervention in Syria. After all, the regime of Bashar al-Assad has now killed significantly more of its people than Gaddafi killed of his. Cameron acknowledges that he is "immensely frustrated that we can't do more in Syria." True, "in Libya there was a United Nations r

y intervention in Libya last year. And while Obama was careful to occupy the back seat during the NATO air campaign that helped topple the dictator Muammar Gaddafi, Cameron was up front, fighting with Nicolas Sarkozy for control of the steering wheel and gas pedal. I ask Cameron why he is not pushing equally

sad. When I ask if he thinks a "coalition of the willing" could act in Syria without a U.N. resolution, his reply is remarkably forceful. "I think Kosovo proved that there are occasions when your responsibility to protect...to save lives, to stop slaughter, to act EFTA_R1_00225772 EFTA01840716 in

cently-overthrown Muslim Brotherhood President of Egypt, than Obama had with any other Arab leaders. They were happy when Washington ousted Colonel Gaddafi of Libya, and then unnerved when Washington simply walked away from the resulting chaos and extremism. And they certainly have not been reassured b

. Hill, former US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia, was US Ambassador to Iraq, South Korea, Macedonia, and Poland, a US special envoy for Kosovo, a negotiator of the Dayton Peace Accords, and the chief US negotiator with North Korea from 2005-2009. He is currently Dean of the Korbel School o

Africans constitute different communities brought together under Italian and British colonial rule and, later, the dictatorship imposed by Colonel Gaddafi. Eastern and western Libya have been separate and distinct regions since Roman times. Even when it comes to religion, Libya is home to scores of di

in place. In none of those cases was there UN authorization. The same principle was used to justify intervention in Bosnia-Herzegovina and, later, Kosovo: to stop genocide. In both cases, the UN was paralyzed by the threat of a Russian veto. Addressing the UN General Assembly in 1999, then Secretary-

e human rights violations in Arab countries and Iran. But then follow less justifiable motives. The war in Libya, for all the indignation over the Gaddafi regime's outrages, was a classical "small victorious war," at least for Paris and London at the time. However, the stake on it did not work. EFTA00

desert libraries. Their mosques and shrines are what the al Qaeda-related militia Ansar al Dine are busy trying to destroy. Muslims in Bosnia and Kosovo had prospered under the Ottoman dispensation of tolerance among faiths, trade with the West, and aesthetic heterogeneity. Their ancestors' tombston

25 August, 2011 ance! | Scientific American Is Muammar Qadhafi Clinically Psychotic? John Matson Anicle2- | The

, but it's kind of like, "Mirror, mirror, on the wall, who's the most important Muslim Arab Third World leader of them all?" And the answer is, "You, Muammar." He is really going have a very difficult time seeing people celebrating his going down, in terms of trying to sustain that heroic inner image. HOU

gain in the Middle East. This is the scenario many wise heads were effectively arguing for with their strong stands against intervention to stop Col Gaddafi. Over the months those analysts have reminded us of their views, calling Libya a quagmire. This week one of the leading proponents of that position,

st 24, 2011 -- Let us do a thought experiment. Imagine the UN did not vote to authorise the use of force in Libya in March. Nato did nothing; Colonel Muammer Gaddafi over-ran Benghazi; the US stood by; the Libyan opposition was reduced to sporadic uprisings, quickly crushed. The regimes in Yemen and Syria took not

se. Just a few weeks ago, that would have seemed a surprising conclusion. Supporters of "liberal interventionism" hailed the decision to bomb Colonel Gaddafi's forces in Libya as evidence of a longed-for new era, in which dictators can no longer feel free to massacre their own people. However a western fai

enocide of 1994 and over the many years of dithering as lives were lost in the Balkans. But a series of apparently successful interventions - Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Sierra Leone - gradually strengthened the belief that western military power could be used to end conflicts and save civilians. The bitt