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rorists if the regime collapses. EFTA_R1_00230154 EFTA01842830 In some respects, the potential worst-case scenario is more like Libya, where the Muammar Gaddafi regime lost control of mustard gas supplies and huge stockpiles of modern weapons. While the mustard gas, stored in bulk containers, reportedly wa
Syrian armed forces, which have remained relatively intact, unlike in Libya. Moreover, the Assad regime has more foreign allies than the isolated Gaddafi regime. It can rely on Moscow to block U.N. efforts and Iran and Hezbollah to help it resist a foreign intervention. Such differences would make a
us field of conflict mediation. It has tried, and usually succeeded, in calming tempers and forging agreements between opponents — whether between Eritrea and Yemen in their dispute over the Hamish Islands in 1996; or between Eritrea and Sudan a couple of years later; or between Yemen and its Huthi r
Syrian armed forces, which have remained relatively intact, unlike in Libya. Moreover, the Assad regime has more foreign allies than the isolated Gaddafi regime. It can rely on Moscow to block •. efforts and Iran and Hezbollah to help it resist a foreign intervention. Such differences would make any
ally could find their way to terrorists if the regime collapses. In some respects, the potential worst-case scenario is more like Libya, where the Muammar Gaddafi regime lost control of mustard gas supplies and huge stockpiles of modern weapons. While the mustard gas, stored in bulk containers, reportedly was
ous field of conflict mediation. It has tried, and usually succeeded, in calming tempers and forging agreements between opponents — whether between Eritrea and Yemen in their dispute over the Hamish Islands in 1996; or between Eritrea and Sudan a couple of years later; or between Yemen and its Huthi re
ntervention has a particularly strong chance of going wrong. The Assad regime has a powerful army, and more domestic and international support than Gaddafi had in Libya. If fighting escalates in Syria, the risk of a prolonged civil war is considerable. The fact that many outside powers, from Iran to Sa
n. Saudi funding was particularly instrumental in supporting anti-Soviet (and EFTA00686805 anti-Libyan) operations and alliances in Angola, Chad, Eritrea, and Somalia. But the Saudis didn't simply counter communism. They fueled a generation of zealous Islamist fighters who later caused bigger proble
tervention has a particularly strong chance of going wrong. The Assad regime has a powerful army, and more domestic and international support than Gaddafi had in Libya. If fighting escalates in Syria, the risk of a prolonged civil war is considerable. The fact that many outside powers, from Iran to S
stan, and Sudan. Saudi funding was particularly instrumental in supporting anti-Soviet (and anti-Libyan) operations and alliances in Angola, Chad, Eritrea, and Somalia. EFTA_R1_00230055 EFTA01842750 But the Saudis didn't simply counter communism. They fueled a generation of zealous Islamist fighter
Entities connected to both Muammar Gaddafi and Eritrea

Barack Obama
PERSON
Bashar al-Assad
PERSON
Tehran
LOCATION
Bill Clinton
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
George W. Bush
PERSON
Benjamin Netanyahu
PERSON
Lebanon
LOCATION
Hosni Mubarak
PERSON
Tunisia
LOCATION
Yemen
LOCATION
Cairo
LOCATION
Marc Rich
PERSON
Hillary Clinton
PERSON
Damascus
LOCATION
Saddam Hussein
PERSON
Jeffrey Epstein
PERSONMediterranean
LOCATION
Bahrain
LOCATION
Donald Trump
PERSON