Epstein Secrets

mproved in recent years. Historically, the two nations have not been friendly, with economic relations only developing in the 1970s. Turkey needed Saudi Arabia's oil. For its part, Saudi Arabia needed Turkey's huge construction sector to build its modern cities. In the 1990s, the arms-length relationship gr

at "the best and brightest" could be found in Egypt's young officer corps. One of the reasons, besides anti-dynastic feelings, that Mubarak's son, Gamal, was not acceptable as his successor was his lack of military credentials. It would appear that while the military is willing to defer to a civili

ectacle of the secular government of the United Arab Emirates last year prosecuting dozens of Islamists as alleged members of a fifth column, while Saudi Arabia's Wahhabi government—far more theologically reactionary than the Brothers— declares the group a terrorist threat. The Brotherhood has become a pan- Ar

the game as Hosni Mubarak was. He always attended the national team's matches and was often seen yelling advice to the players. His sons, Alaa and Gamal, fraternized with Egypt's top players. Mr. Mubarak's propaganda machine made sure that before a match, supporters were treated to patriotic songs a

s. Deaths of rulers can change dynamics overnight virtually anywhere in the region, and Israel's defense policy remains an ever-present black swan. Saudi Arabia's own rumored pursuit of new nuclear-style ballistic missiles from China adds an additional layer of uncertainty about a nuclear arms race in the reg

rowing disputes about political succession prior to the outbreak of protests. Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak's efforts to install his son Gamal as his heir apparent aroused significant opposition from different quarters in the Egyptian power structure, especially the military. In Libya, fac

fter your own country has had upheaval and you've had your visit from a well-meaning American diplomat urging you towards a quiet retirement house in Saudi Arabi, the Spanish social philosopher Manuel Castells will name the disease that undid you. Castells is perhaps an unlikely figure to diagnose the politica

studying what might be done first, and how soon it might be carefully attempted. He hinted to Wisner that the rumored transition of power to his son Gamal was not, after all, inevitable. But, Mubarak said, he wasn’t going anywhere just now. Wisner tried another tack: He asked if the President would lik