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virtual policy, it has also been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory. In the beginning, I sought a level of formal access to this White House, something of a fly-on- the-wall status. The president himself encouraged this idea. But, given the many fiefdoms in the Trump White House that came
heeding Senate leader Mitch McConnell’s prescription that “this president will sign whatever is put in front of him,” while also taking advantage of the White House’s lack of political and legislative experience and outsourcing as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill. In the early weeks of the administration, P
om he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand. Ailes, a veteran of the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush 41 White Houses, was growing worried by the president-elect’s lack of immediate focus on a White House structure that could serve and protect him. He tried to impres
cific ideas about how to turn his themes and vitriol into policy, nor a team that could reasonably unite behind him. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019969 In most White Houses, policy and action flow down, with staff trying to implement what the president wants—or, at the very least, what the chief of staff says the preside
at all.) * Carter Page, a banker of uncertain portfolio who had spent time in Russia and billed himself as having advised the state-run oil company, Gazprom, and who showed up on a hastily assembled list of Trump foreign policy advisers and who, it would turn out, the FBI was closely monitoring in what it
lic enemy; they expected nothing of him. But Priebus and Spicer HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020089 they regarded as functionaries, and their job was to support the White House’s goals, which included their goals and interests. Spicer, ever ridiculed in the media for his cockamamie defense of the White House and a seeming dum
ce his exit from the White House six weeks before—he was on a crash all-sushi diet. “That building,” said his friend David Bossie, speaking about all White Houses but especially the Trump White House, “takes perfectly healthy people and turns them into old, unhealthy people.” But Bannon, who Bossie had declared
284, 298 Franken, Al, 151-52 Freedom Caucus, 161, 171 Fusion GPS, 37, 99 G20 summit, 257 Gaddafi, Muammar, 270 Gamergate, 59 Gawker, 308 Gaza, 6 Gazprom, 101 Geffen, David, 12, 178 General Electric (GE), 88 HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020126 General Motors, 88 Georgia (post-Soviet), 226 Gingrich, Newt, 177
s, and yet has remarkably culminated in the re- legitimization of the person responsible for it, Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian civil war— particularly the White House's inept and improvisational response to it—has accidentally transformed Putin into a major power- broker for the post-Arab Spring Middle East. (This i
nown opposition to the Iraq War, he is also cultivating a strong military and energy-based relationship with the post- Saddam government in Baghdad. Gazprom and Rosneft have moved in to capitalize on Iraq's increased oil and gas outputs. Last summer, contracts were signed for Russia to sell Iraq $4.2 bi
Entities connected to both White House and Gazprom

Jeffrey Epstein
PERSON
Donald Trump
PERSON
Barack Obama
PERSON
Joe Biden
PERSON
George W. Bush
PERSON
Bill Clinton
PERSON
Prince Andrew
PERSON
Bloomberg L.P.
ORGANIZATIONLeon Black
PERSON
United States
LOCATION
Virginia Giuffre
PERSON
Stephen Hawking
PERSON
Julie K. Brown
PERSON
Michael Jackson
PERSON
Vladimir Putin
PERSON
Prince Charles
PERSON
Marc Rich
PERSON
George Mitchell
PERSON
Mike Pence
PERSON
Scarlett Johansson
PERSON