Epstein Secrets

virtual policy, it has also been more open to the media than any White House in recent memory. In the beginning, I sought a level of formal access to this White House, something of a fly-on- the-wall status. The president himself encouraged this idea. But, given the many fiefdoms in the Trump White House that came

heeding Senate leader Mitch McConnell’s prescription that “this president will sign whatever is put in front of him,” while also taking advantage of the White House’s lack of political and legislative experience and outsourcing as much policy as possible to Capitol Hill. In the early weeks of the administration, P

om he had never met before, for positions whose importance Trump did not particularly understand. Ailes, a veteran of the Nixon, Reagan, and Bush 41 White Houses, was growing worried by the president-elect’s lack of immediate focus on a White House structure that could serve and protect him. He tried to impres

cific ideas about how to turn his themes and vitriol into policy, nor a team that could reasonably unite behind him. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019969 In most White Houses, policy and action flow down, with staff trying to implement what the president wants—or, at the very least, what the chief of staff says the preside

not long after the election. “You’ll want to be your own son of a bitch, but you don’t know Washington.” Ailes had a suggestion: “Speaker Boehner.” (John Boehner had been the Speaker of the House until he was forced out in a Tea Party putsch in 2011.) “Who’s that?” asked Trump. Everybody in Trump’s billionai

ning behind the scenes. He said he connected Giuliani with a top aide to the new Ukrainian president because he hoped it would smooth the way for a White House meeting and improved bilateral ties. Eager to defend his own reputation, Volker was adamant that he never personally witnessed or participated in i

ague: The official White House Twitter account attacked a current White House official in the middle of that official's testimony before Congress: The White House's director of social media also attacked Vindman from his government account, prompting this observation from a Post colleague: The president's son

favor of the short-term spending bill Tuesday -- many fewer than the 76 Republicans who supported the last stop-gap bill." -- Former House speaker John Boehner returned to a Capitol transformed from heated partisanship into a cauldron of constitutional standoff. Paul Kane reports: "Officially there to unve

thirty, Ryan called the president to say he was short fifteen to twenty votes and needed to pull the vote. Bannon, backed by Mulvaney, who had become the White House’s Hill operative, continued to urge an immediate vote. A defeat here would be a major defeat for the Republican leadership. That suited Bannon just fin

ore and more seemed to be. Meanwhile, virtually everybody believed that a large measure of the fault lay in Reince Priebus, who had failed to create a White House that could protect the president from himself—or from Bannon or from his own children. At the same time, believing that the fundamental problem lay i

he way Breitbart viewed Ryan and the way Trump viewed him. For Breitbart, the House rebellion and transformation that had driven the former Speaker, John Boehner, from office, and which, plausibly, was set to remake the House into the center of the new radical Republicanism had been halted by Ryan’s election a

Roubini, a professor at NYU's Stern School of Business and Chairman of Roubini Global Economics, was Senior Economist for International Affairs in the White House's Council of Economic Advisers during the Clinton Administration. He has worked for the International Monetary Fund, the US Federal Reserve, and the

n us the current budget crisis and almost no meaningful recent legislation will soon be coming to a foreign policy decision near you. Consider that John Boehner was instantly more clear about setting the timing for any potential action against Syria with his statement that Congress will not reconvene before

the prime minister is universally known, was his own. But the facts indicate that this most- sought-after event was initiated at Bibi's behest. Now, the White House couldn't say no and risk an open rupture with Israel's supporters, so officials there unhappily went along. The Obama administration saw the "invit

Middle East. According to American, Israeli, and Palestinian officials, the tales within counter tales begin with an invitation from House Speaker John Boehner to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to address a joint session of the U.S. Congress on May 24. Boehner acts as if the idea of inviting "Bi

ction begins to think about his second term well before victory is assured. In early 2009, Rahm Emanuel, Obama's first chief of staff, told me that the White House was already contemplating the Presidency in terms of eight years. He said that it was folly to try to accomplish E FTA_R1_02204162 EFTA02720633

ach an agreement: the debt ceiling had to be raised by the end of the summer. The Cantor-Biden talks ended two months later, and Obama and Speaker John Boehner worked until July to reach a "grand bargain" of modest tax hikes, entitlement reforms, and spending cuts. A fourth group, consisting of three Repub

ague: The official White House Twitter account attacked a current White House official in the middle of that official's testimony before Congress: The White House's director of social media also attacked Vindman from his government account, prompting this observation from a Post colleague: The president's son a

favor of the short-term spending bill Tuesday -- many fewer than the 76 Republicans who supported the last stop-gap bill." -- Former House speaker John Boehner returned to a Capitol transformed from heated partisanship into a cauldron of constitutional standoff. Paul Kane reports: "Officially there to unve

go as far as possible: Anewly energized Obama administration an Senate could have the effect of isolating the supply-side dead-enders in the House. John Boehner, the House speaker, announced Wednesday that nothing had changed; he and his caucus still oppose higher tax rates for the rich and still want to purs

er a cliff, or raising income taxes on the rich he looked somber and somewhat unhappy. This may have been because his Republican colleagues just lost the White House and the Senate. Or per- haps, it was simply because he’s an older white guy, and, therefore, part of the biggest loser demographic of the election, t