Epstein Secrets

, Alexandra Preate, a conservative fundraiser and PR woman, was as disorganized as he was. After three marriages, Bannon lived his bachelor’s life on Capitol Hill in a row house known as the Breitbart Embassy that doubled as the Breitbart office—the life of a messy party. No sane person would hire Steven Bannon

e thing. The media has let Obama off the hook. Take the ideology away from it, this is complete amateur hour. I don’t know what Obama does. Nobody on Capitol Hill knows him, no business guys know him—what has he accomplished, what does he do?” “Where’s Donald on this?” asked Ailes, now with the clear implicati

told Trump not long after the election. “You’ll want to be your own son of a bitch, but you don’t know Washington.” Ailes had a suggestion: “Speaker Boehner.” (John Boehner had been the Speaker of the House until he was forced out in a Tea Party putsch in 2011.) “Who’s that?” asked Trump. Everybody in T

and even romantic nature of his politics—the roguish and joie de guerre alt-right. Bannon had decamped here from the Breitbart Embassy on A Street on Capitol Hill. It was a one-bedroom graduate-student sort of apartment, in a mixed-use building over a mega-McDonald’s—quite belying Bannon’s rumored fortune—with

uld return to a refurbished West Wing—a paint job, new furniture, and new rugs, its look tilting toward the Trump Hotel—Steve Bannon would be back on Capitol Hill at the Breitbart Embassy, still, he was confident, the chief strategist for the Trump revolution. HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020111 EPILOGUE: BANNON AND TRUMP

os, Jeff, 35 Biosphere 2, 56 Blackstone Group, 35, 78, 87, 298 Blackwater, 265 Blair, Tony, 156-58, 228 Blankfein, Lloyd, 144 Bloomberg, Michael, 117 Boehner, John, 26, 161 Boeing, 88 Bolton, John, 4-5, 189 border wall, 77-78, 228, 280, 303 Bossie, David, 58, 144, 177, 234, 237, 301 Bowles, Erskine, 27 Boy

itutions. The blame for regulatory delays falls, in part, on an unrepentant financial industry that has fought against regulation at every turn, on Capitol Hill or in the courts. It has, for instance, sued the C.F.T.C. to block a rule that would have limited the size of investors' positions in certain deriva

hn Boehner's failure to persuade rank-and-file House Republicans to raise taxes even on millionaires fits the fanatic's strategy exactly. It allowed Boehner to credibly claim he has no choice in the matter -- Republican fanatics in the House tied his hands and manacled his feet -- so the only way to avoi

009, when the centerpiece of his program was a cap-and-trade approach to reducing carbon emissions, his goal today is unclear. Early discussions on Capitol Hill suggest that, in a wide-ranging deal, a carbon tax might be part of a grand bargain to settle Taxmageddon. The proposition is not as absurd as it

r negotiations when it came to light that they were negotiating a plan to raise far more revenue than the deal that Obama was ready to strike with Boehner. Instead of a grand bargain, in late July the White House and Republicans agreed to raise the debt ceiling enough for about eighteen more months o

derstand power. He is a poor executive. Doesn't it seem as if he hates the job? And so on. This is the knowing talk on Wall Street, on K Street, on Capitol Hill, in green rooms—the "Morning Joe" consensus. There are other ways to assess the political skills of a President who won two terms, as only seventee

cent of the popular vote. The President talked of the election breaking the "fever" in Washington. "We didn't expect the floodgates would open and Boehner would be Tip O'Neill to our Reagan," Dan Pfeiffer, a senior adviser to the President, said. But reelection, he thought, had "liberated" Obama. The

his words carefully. The former special counsel responded monosyllabically to hundreds of questions on Wednesday. He clearly did not want to be on Capitol Hill, declined repeated requests to read aloud passages from his 448-page report and took special care to never utter the I-word: impeachment. This make

of constitutional standoff. Paul Kane reports: "Officially there to unveil a portrait that will hang in a venerated room just off the House floor, Boehner brought with him one last bid to get his former colleagues to embrace a style that charmed friends and enemies alike. He remains an eternal optimis

ng his service as a shield from criticism. Alex Horton reports: "While active-duty service members routinely wear their full uniforms to testify on Capitol Hill, security experts say the scrutiny of Vindman's uniform has become another data point in the politicization of the space between civil society and

of constitutional standoff. Paul Kane reports: "Officially there to unveil a portrait that will hang in a venerated room just off the House floor, Boehner brought with him one last bid to get his former colleagues to embrace a style that charmed friends and enemies alike. He remains an eternal optimist