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Street shortly before his U.S. trip, he is looking fit and relaxed—the very antithesis of the man whose portrait glares down from his office wall. Winston Churchill overate, guzzled champagne and brandy, smoked Cuban cigars, and liked nothing better than to work into the EFTA_R1_00225770 EFTA01840714 small h
ox [of official papers] at 5:45 a.m. My grandmother always said it's the hours before midnight that count. My hours are completely the opposite of Churchill's." He plays tennis every Sunday and goes for a run through Hyde Park once a week. Only rarely do the pressures of the job disturb his sleep. And
t to see the spread of democracy and rights and freedoms that we enjoy here." It is in the realm of foreign policy that Cameron is most obviously Churchillian. Like Tony Blair, he is drawn to the idea of military intervention where human rights as well as national interest are at stake. It was he, not Pre
sad. When I ask if he thinks a "coalition of the willing" could act in Syria without a U.N. resolution, his reply is remarkably forceful. "I think Kosovo proved that there are occasions when your responsibility to protect...to save lives, to stop slaughter, to act EFTA_R1_00225772 EFTA01840716 in
me. They will support me. My people, they love me." It was very "me" centered. A vivid contrast—and this will seem like a ludicrous comparison—was Churchill during World War II. Churchill always spoke in first person plural, and his way of strengthening the morale of his people was to talk about "us," "
rictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is diffi
me. They will support me. My people, they love me." It was very "me" centered. A vivid contrast—and this will seem like a ludicrous comparison—was Churchill during World War II. Churchill always spoke in first person plural, and his way of strengthening the morale of his people was to talk about "us," "
rictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is diffi
e other direction you might have someone say that a good=society is one that compensates for the failings of the individuals within=in it. Famously, Churchill said democracy was the least bad of a lot of bad systems. But he also said that the stron=est argument against democracy was two minutes of conversa
r Mr. Putin, Mr. Kerry's request for help =arked the achievement of a decade-old goal. From the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's 1999 bombing of Kosovo, to=the 2003 3 EFTA_R1_00107016 EFTA01785154 invasion of Iraq, to the 2011 U.N.-backed toppling of Muammar Gad=afi, Moscow has been largely irre
ve me. They will support me. My people, they love me." It was very "me" centered. A vivid contrast—and this will seem like a ludicrous comparison—was Churchill during World War II. Churchill always spoke in first person plural, and his way of strengthening the morale of his people was to talk about "us, tria
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024594 →strictly moral reasons. We also now know how different intervention looks when we help forces who want to be helped. East Timor, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Kosovo, Libya — all cases where force evened out odds between a brutal government and a widespread and legitimate social or national movement. It is difficu
Page: HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024600 →Entities connected to both Winston Churchill and Kosovo

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