Epstein Secrets

forces desecrating mosques, firing at EFTA_R1_00234074 EFTA01845128 worshipers, and ordering hapless captives to proclaim, "There is no God but Bashar," has written its own regional banishment. Hafez committed cruelties of his own, but he always managed to remain within the Arab fold. Bashar is di

t outgrew the Arabian Peninsula and before it slipped out of the hands of the Arabs into those of the Persians and the Turks. Yet decades earlier, Bashar al-Assad's father, Hafez -- a man of supreme cunning and political skill -- had ridden the military and the Baath Party to absolute power, creating a regime i

ns a chance. The Egyptian rulers had said that their country was not Tunisia. Qaddafi said that his republic was not Tunisia or Egypt. Eventually, Assad was saying that Syria was not Tunisia, Egypt, or Libya. Assad was young, not old; his regime had more legitimacy because it had confronted Israel r

the 30-year rule of Hosni Mubarak, there's no agreement — on how to celebrate or even whether rejoicing is in order. The current military rulers — the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or SCAF — want to hold parades and aerial jet exhibitions to exult in the revolution, of which their main part was to ease Mubarak out of power.

a mockery of Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu's "zero problems with neighbors" policy. Just two years ago Ankara was going out of its way to court Bashar al-Assad, in apparent defiance of the West. It was also courting Iran in a similar fashion at the time. At that time, Turkey and Brazil — as non-permanent m

out. These events present complications for Iran, which is already facing harsh sanctions owing to its alleged nuclear ambitions. Syria under both Assads, father and son, has been Tehran's firmest state ally in the region and the logistical keystone in the edifice of resistance, which brings together

ecret Weapon Kevjn Lim August 9, 2012 -- Major General Qassem SoleimaniOn July 18, hours following the assassination of three of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad's top security grandees during a national- security headquarters meeting in Damascus, a suicide bomber in Bulgaria's Black Sea resort city of Burgas s

policies of Morsi's government and its seemingly mutual self-protection pact with the Egyptian generals who still hold considerable power through the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, or SCAF. Morsi and the military appear to have concluded that the fired intelligence chief, Gen. Murad Muwafi, was a convenient scapegoat after t

n short, this is a dangerous regime -- dangerous to its people and, as the CW movement suggests, dangerous to the region. The time for talking with Bashar al-Assad has passed. It EFTA_R1_02209740 EFTA02723612 is time for ultimatums -- and, if those fail, armed action to topple the regime. Jeffrey White is

the region. The time for talking with Bashar al-Assad has passed. It EFTA_R1_02209740 EFTA02723612

with holdovers from the Mubarak regime, effectively dissolved the country's first freely elected EFTA_R1_02209742 EFTA02723614 Parliament. Then the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) amended its own previously issued Constitutional Declaration, giving veto power to the military in the drafting of a new constitution exemp

filiations, may be the region's closest analogy to Libya — without oil, said Paul Sullivan, a Georgetown political scientist. "The brutality of the Assad regime in Syria and the Saleh regime in Yemen is still being felt," he said. "But with the demise of Muammar el-Qaddafi, the light at the end of the

e the costs," said Ms. Anderson of the American University in Cairo. "Everyone will have to decide how much of those costs they can bear, including the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces." Still, the military appeared to be engaged in a gradual negotiation toward "a more civilian kind of government," she said, adding, "Nobody ever g