Epstein Secrets

nterviews with Syrians I met in Jordan or who talked with me from inside Syria by phone. My Syrian contacts described a bitter stalemate: President Bashar al-Assad holds on to power, but he has lost control of major parts of the country. The rebels fight bravely, but they lack the organization and heavy weapon

al-Qaeda extremists fester in the shadows. The opposition remains so fragmented that some rebels frankly admit they aren't ready to govern, even if Assad should fall. EFTA00718098 "We still need to find a leader," conceded one rebel commander. "We are headless inside the country." Rebel fighters s

d to make fundamental concessions, but at the same time it is preserving the core abilities in both routes it is developing for a nuclear weapon." Yadlin rejected the view that inspections alone could prevent Iran from cheating: Inspections are "insufficient. The international inspection systems are

uld not be used for military purposes and demand an answer to the open questions regarding the military dimensions of the Iranian nuclear program. Yadlin said the mark of an acceptable deal with Iran is that "the time it takes Iran to develop a nuclear weapon, if it decides to do so, will be measured

cyber and covert war have had some effect, and the unraveling situation in Syria -- where Iran has remained a stalwart ally of embattled President Bashar al-Assad -- has isolated Tehran even further. Meanwhile, the Israelis can keep the world focused on their agenda and on the edge of their collective chairs,

ther. At the same time, Iran is committed to at the very least developing the capacity to weaponize, should it decide to do so. And the fall of the Assads, when it comes, may only add to Tehran's fear of Sunni encirclement and accelerate its drive for the ultimate weapon. None of this means it ain't g

ore clearly that you're really training for this and preparing for this." EFTA00712898 "The American threat has to be a great deal more credible," Yadlin advises, and he explains why: "It cannot be that the secretary of defense will stand up publicly and say that an attack on Iran will plunge the wor

n attack on Iran will plunge the world into World War III or the Middle East will go up in flames. That shows that you really don't mean to do it." Yadlin wants Israel to delay a decision and wants the United States to take a tougher line. He concludes that "even if the batteries of trust are not full

cyber and covert war have had some effect, and the unraveling situation in Syria -- where Iran has remained a stalwart ally of embattled President Bashar al-Assad -- has isolated Tehran even further. Meanwhile, the Israelis can keep the world focused on their agenda and on the edge of their collective chairs

her. At the same time, Iran is committed to at the very least developing the capacity to weaponize, should it decide to do so. And the fall of the Assads, when it comes, may only add to Tehran's fear of Sunni encirclement and accelerate its drive for the ultimate weapon. None of this means it ain't

the world more clearly that you're really training for this and preparing for this." "The American threat has to be a great deal more credible," Yadlin advises, and he explains why: "It cannot be that the secretary of defense will stand up publicly and say that an attack on Iran will plunge the wor

attack on Iran will plunge the world into World War III or the Middle East will go up in flames. That shows that you really don't mean to do it." Yadlin wants Israel to delay a decision and wants the United States to take a tougher line. He concludes that "even if the batteries of trust are not full