Epstein Secrets

The Islamic State has not replaced its black flag with a white one= nor has it shrunk appreciably in size. Obama's attempt to unsea= Syrian leader Bashar al-Assad has not produced much either, other than in=reased violence and chaos in the poor, benighted country. The Pentag=n's effort to train and re-insert

The Rus=ian government claims that it is targeting the Islamic State, but many of =he air strikes appear to have hit other rebel groups fighting the Assad re=ime. And in the 11 EFTA_R1_00006487 EFTA01732892 short period that the air strikes have taken place, =hey've predictably generated the usual

eagan brain truster James Pinkerton wrot= of a "new paradigm" that would accept the need for=government but make it more flexible. David Brooks and Bill Kristol =ailed for "national greatness conservatism" in the =radition of Lincoln and Teddy Roosevelt. A more populist alternative=was offered by Pat Buchana

cyber and covert war have had some effect, and the unraveling situation in Syria -- where Iran has remained a stalwart ally of embattled President Bashar al-Assad -- has isolated Tehran even further. Meanwhile, the Israelis can keep the world focused on their agenda and on the edge of their collective chairs,

ther. At the same time, Iran is committed to at the very least developing the capacity to weaponize, should it decide to do so. And the fall of the Assads, when it comes, may only add to Tehran's fear of Sunni encirclement and accelerate its drive for the ultimate weapon. None of this means it ain't g

to support it—and send an unmistakable message to the ayatollahs. This path was suggested here in THE WEEKLY STANDARD early July, by Jamie Fly and Bill Kristol, and this is the moment to move forward with it. Like the joint resolutions for the Gulf Wars in 1991 and in 2002 and the joint resolution passed a

cyber and covert war have had some effect, and the unraveling situation in Syria -- where Iran has remained a stalwart ally of embattled President Bashar al-Assad -- has isolated Tehran even further. Meanwhile, the Israelis can keep the world focused on their agenda and on the edge of their collective chairs

her. At the same time, Iran is committed to at the very least developing the capacity to weaponize, should it decide to do so. And the fall of the Assads, when it comes, may only add to Tehran's fear of Sunni encirclement and accelerate its drive for the ultimate weapon. None of this means it ain't

to support it—and send an unmistakable message to the ayatollahs. This path was suggested here in THE WEEKLY STANDARD early July, by Jamie Fly and Bill Kristol, and this is the moment to move forward with it. Like the joint resolutions for the Gulf Wars in 1991 and in 2002 and the joint resolution passed a

US continues to struggle with the decision whether to provide military support to the moderate faction of the Syrian rebels fighting to topple the Assad regime, the Saudis suggest that they see Syria as a defining moment — an opportunity to stop what they see as Iranian "meddling" in the region by r

to care deeply. In recent days, many liberals have rushed to Obama's defense simply because they are so galled to hear people like Dick Cheney and Bill Kristol lecturing anyone on Iraq. That's a mistake. While far less egregious than George W. Bush's errors, Obama's have been egregious enough. By ignoring