Epstein Secrets

about Obama's flip-flopping on Syria —particularly the President's failure to rapidly arm Syrian rebels and conduct air strikes in retaliation for Assad's use of chemical weapons. Prince Bandar also worried about America entering a slippery slope in negotiations with Iran. Shiite Iran is enemy No. 1

Intelligence Chief and former Ambassador to the U.S., added his complaints on Tuesday. He said, "the current charade of international control over Bashar's chemical arsenal would be funny if it were not so blatantly perfidious." Perhaps the silence towards Prince Bandar's leaks reflects the mood of

al issues — the Syrian and Iranian crises. In recent months, Turkey's government has adopted an increasingly tougher stance toward Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime, convinced that it can only fall. The agreement recently reached by the United States and Russia is, from this standpoint, frustrating new

"voice" on a docile council — when it faces the urgent imperative of ending the massacres in Syria. The tipping point came the week before the •. General Assembly meeting last month, when a draft resolution on dismantling Syria's stockpile of chemical weapons circulated among the permanent members of the Sec

wakening, the current administration has taken successive positions on Egypt—all to little effect. And when the president of the United States says Assad "must go," but has no idea how to achieve this (and later does nothing when Assad crosses the chemical-weapons red line)—well, it does not inspire

s more valuable than the cash was the public show that Obama couldn't keep his allies in line and happy. Not Russia— EFTA00678196 Putin would back Bashar al-Assad till the very end which, given American impotence, virtually guaranteed Assad's survival. By the time Putin offered Obama a joint initiative to rid

nd the next day Saudi Arabia responded with a statement condemning Russia and stating, "[Vladimir] Putin has lost Arab hearts with his support for [Bashar al-]Assad." The fight spilled over into the Saudi Twittersphere the moment Russia moved into Crimea, with Saudi hashtags accusing Russia of moving

ama was warning of the dangers of seeing the world in terms of Great Power conflict. "We're no longer in a Cold War," the president said at the •. General Assembly in September. "There's no Great Game to be won." Well, to paraphrase Leon Trotsky, you might not be interested in the Cold War, but the Cold War i

apital — for the departure of President Bashar al-Assad. In his speech before the non-alignment summit,

cies will push Cairo into EFTA00712755 the camp of the GCC states and Turkey in the context of this Cold War, whose main headline today surrounds Bashar al-Assad's departure or stay. On the other hand, it will also not be easy for Cairo to infiltrate what was achieved by Ankara throughout a decade of its absen

or presiding over the annual Clinton Global Initiative meeting -- arguably a bi er draw for global leaders each September than the opening of the . General Assembly across town. Although there was some love lost between Clinton and Obama during the tense 2008 primary, Secretary Clinton's husband has been an act

ffective in Libya. Instead, it embraced an effort to arm the self-evidently ineffective and incoherent opposition in its doomed effort to overthrow Bashar al-Assad. The administration said Assad's fall was inevitable but refused to make it so. Thousands died as Washington fiddled; instability and violence spre

n effort to arm the self-evidently ineffective and incoherent opposition in its doomed effort to overthrow Bashar al-Assad. The administration said Assad's fall was inevitable but refused to make it so. Thousands died as Washington fiddled; instability and violence spread into Lebanon, Iraq and Jorda

in this period. He gave an important speech at the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) summit, and participated in the annual session of the United Nations General Assembly, leaving the prime minister and his cabinet to implement his domestic electoral program. It is not logical or fair to assess general policies — whe

are also certain practical difficulties. Any peace with Syria would involve Israel handing back the occupied Golan Heights — but the government of Bashar al-Assad is otherwise engaged, right now. Rather than waste time trying to pursue a final peace settlement, the "international community" should set more m

Golan Heights — but the government of Bashar al-Assad is otherwise engaged, right now. Rather than wa

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

are also certain practical difficulties. Any peace with Syria would involve Israel handing back the occupied Golan Heights — but the government of Bashar al-Assad is otherwise engaged, right now. Rather than waste time trying to pursue a final peace settlement, the "international community" should set more m

Golan Heights — but the government of Bashar al-Assad is otherwise engaged, right now. Rather than wa

aving the temerity to pursue their UN bid in September. Yet Israeli and Congressional hostility to the Palestinian charge at the UN is overdone. A General Assembly resolution without Security Council backing would change very little, legally or politically. Still, the Americans and the Europeans do not relish

Those forces have now pushed both the west and Arab governments into taking a much harder line than simply geostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly) against torture and killings by the Bahraini government. Social movements are also beginning to resha

ostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly)

UN membership After the Oslo accords in 1993 and the failure of peace negotiations which lasted for 18 years, the PLO intends to bring to the UN General Assembly once again, through the UN Resolution number 377 of 1950, the issue of recognition of the State of Palestine on the basis of the June, 1967 borders

Those forces have now pushed both the west and Arab governments into taking a much harder line than simply geostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly) against torture and killings by the Bahraini government. Social movements are also beginning to resha

ostrategic logic would dictate against Bashar al-Assad's brutality in Syria, and even (albeit timidly)

UN membership After the Oslo accords in 1993 and the failure of peace negotiations which lasted for 18 years, the PLO intends to bring to the UN General Assembly once again, through the UN Resolution number 377 of 1950, the issue of recognition of the State of Palestine on the basis of the June, 1967 borders

m. But more directly, it is now engulfing Syria, and Syria is basically their only true ally in =he region. And it is our estimation that [President Bashar al-Assad's] day= are numbered. It's a matter not of if, but when. Now, can we accelerate t=at? We're working with the world community to try to do that. It is

Global Security Newswire <http://www.nti.oregsn/article/us-watching-syrian-chemica=-arms-amid-fear-attack-diversionk recently asserted that "[tJhe Assad regime is thought to possess between 100 and 200 Scud missiles carrying wa=heads loaded with sarin nerve agent. The government is also believed to h

its qualitative military edge, to fig=ting back against delegitimization of Israel, whether at the [UN] Human Rights Council, or in front of the UN=General Assembly, or during the Goldstone Report, or after the flare-up in=olving the flotilla -- the truth of the matter is that the relationship ha= functioned ver

addafi's fate Ed Husain Article 4. The Christian Science Monitor Libya endgame: Lessons for Syria's protesters Bilal Y. Saab Article 5 Foreign Policy Assad's Chemical Romance Leonard Spector Article 6. Washington Post 10 years after 9/11, al-Qaeda is down but not out David Ignatius Article 7. Hurriyet Wh

uld undermine Fatah, possibly pushing Fatah to align with Hamas. Having the U.N. vote take place while Gaza is at war, a vote possibly accompanied by General Assembly condemnation of Israel, could redefine the region. Last week's attack on the Eilat road should be understood in this context. Some are hypothesizing

ia, there is now a risk of a dangerous moment of western triumphalism. This must be resisted, especially given that the odds of overthrowing dictator Bashar al- Assad are so small. After months of holding his nerve, US president Barack Obama last week succumbed to calls from commentators and Syrian opposition leade